However, LTTE's resilience and innovation in insurgency
warfare should not be under estimated. Thoppigala is
unlikely to fall like a plum, ripe for plucking. The 300
plus LTTE cadres at Thoppigala cut off from resources
and external support could fight it out of desperation.
With their exit routes blocked they will be literally
fighting with their back to the wall. Thus Security
Forces deployed in operations in Thoppigala could be
tied down for a longer time than anticipated. Even
after Thoppigala is captured attacks by mobile LTTE
bands can be expected to continue in this sector.
Fortunately
for them, the security forces were not been taken in by
public expectations in planning the operations. They
appear to have conducted the operations focusing on
three aspects: minimising own casualty, attrition of
LTTE defenders and concentration of superior fire power
and force. Though there must have been every political
temptation to speed up the operation, the Army Commander
Lt Gen Sarath Fonseka appears to have maintained to his
style of progressive consolidation of successes. With
this he has enabled the forces to minimise casualties,
which is a great morale booster for future operations.
The coordinated use of air force fighters and
multi-barrel rockets appear to have been well thought of
as they demoralise defenders even if they don't inflict
huge casualties. This is likely to be a regular feature
of operations in the future.
The
LTTE on its part, despite the military setbacks in the
east over the last one year and its ongoing feud with
Karuna for even a longer period, appear to have been
well prepared for the inevitable. This involved pulling
out cadres from other areas as and when they became
indefensible to fall back upon main defences. Despite
the loss of most of the artillery assets in earlier
operations, it is significant that the LTTE had retained
essential artillery fire power till the last days,
abandoning cumbersome assets. Young LTTE deserters had
reported LTTE's loss of morale in the face of
casualties, food shortage etc. However, this does not
appear to have affected the ability of the hardcore of
fighters left behind to create and use integrated
minefield defences to break the momentum of attacking
troops to face the conventional troops intelligently.
LTTE appears
to have pulled out essential cadres from its defences in
a planned manner. If intelligence reports quoted in the
media are correct, a group of 200 cadres led by Ramesh
had sneaked out of Batticaloa area in the second week of
June and travelled north across Welikanda, Serunuwara,
Mutur and Manirasankulam in Kinniya using jungle tracks.
This was probably the route adopted for thinning out.
However, there are likely to be small groups left behind
to carry out low level operations in the east.
Unfortunately,
the capture of Thoppigala is not going to be the end
game of LTTE in the east. Guerrilla operations are
likely to be stepped up till they become expensive for
LTTE to carry on the fight in the east. The LTTE's
guerrilla operations likely to continue would include
hit and run raids on government assets, Claymore attacks
to disrupt free movement of troops particularly on road
axes, and settling scores with Tamils including Karuna
and company, who oppose LTTE. Any new development
projects that could come up in Tamil areas could also be
targeted. Thus in the coming months, the Tamil areas of
east can expect a period of low level operations to
continue. Encounters with escaping LTTE cadres like the
one recently faced by the naval marines in Kuchaveli
area, north of Trincomalee, are also likely.
However, LTTE
actions in the east will be muted and restrained by the
loss of control over resources and territory, if not the
shortage of manpower. Thus to compensate such
limitations in the east, LTTE could attempt some
spectacular actions against more visible targets in
Colombo. At the same time, the completion of security
forces operations in the east, or at least restricting
it to minimum levels, would probably release at least
two brigades of troops for operations in the north. This
can come in handy as and when operations in the north
are joined in.
Operations in the
north
In the north,
the LTTE would be literally fighting with their back to
the wall to defend the heartland of LTTE territory. If
the defence of Thoppigagal is any indication of LTTE's
fighting capabilities, the war in the north could drag
on for at least two years, as assessed by both the Army
Commander Lt Gen Sarath Fonseka and the Defence
Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. LTTE has probably stashed
away adequate reserves of arms and ammunition over the
years to fight out the mother of all operations as and
when it comes. But their limitations will be exposed as
the operation drags on. Thus time is going to be an
essential but invisible resource for both sides.
Considering this the security forces planning operations
in the north will have to rework the strategies. And
they appear to be doing so. These would include
preponderance of fire power, destruction of reserves and
dumps, naval blockade to prevent seaborne supply routes
of LTTE and intelligent use of Special Forces behind the
lines.
The number of
small encounters along the forward defended localities
in Muhamalai, areas west and east of Vavuniya, and along
the Omanthai-Mannar axis show the two sides jockeying
for domination. For the time being, security forces that
were bent upon pushing LTTE back along the
Omanthai-Mannar axis appear to be recasting their plans
in face of the strong resistance.
Use
of Special Forces for operations to destabilise the LTTE
behind the forward lines appear to have been resorted to
with some effect. Similarly, LTTE appear to be using
small armed groups infiltrated to cut down and curtail
free movement of troops and carry out selective killings
behind the forward lines in Jaffna. Both sides are also
using heavy mortars and artillery bombardments to keep
the heads down in the defences. These are usually
preliminary preparations for war that could seamlessly
be joined in. So the 'cleansing of the east' as the
security forces call it increases the chances of
eruption of war in the north.
In this
context, the seizure of two trucks last month lined with
over one ton of explosives wired and ready behind their
panels showed the high level of sophistication LTTE has
achieved in carrying out terror attacks. The police
seizure of the car of a Kilinochi government official in
Colombo transporting explosives hidden in the petrol
tank also shows LTTE's ingenuity and detailed planning
in furthering its terror operations. Fortunately, these
operations were neutralised with the seizure of the
vehicles. But they have shown the LTTE's potential to
conduct such operations remains undiminished. They are
likely to carry out such attacks as and when the
battlefield stresses get too much. This is going to put
further pressure on the police to tighten security
measures, particularly in carrying out search operations
in cheap lodges and hotels in Colombo much to the
discomfort of travelling public.
According to defence columnist Iqbal Athas, the two
explosives laden truck operations were controlled and
directed from Canada and the UK respectively as revealed
in interrogations. This would indicate the LTTE's
capability to control terrorist operations from the
sanitized settings in Canada and the UK. This could be
the red rag for the civil society in these countries to
further tighten the screws on Tamil militants based in
their soil.
The Sri Lanka Navy's success
against a fleet of Sea Tiger boats in an encounter off
Point Pedro in the north-eastern tip of Jaffna peninsula
on June 19, 2007 has confirmed that the Sea Tigers
continue to have major problems in reasserting
themselves in the seas off the coastline from Point
Pedro to Alampil in the south. This will have a major
bearing when large scale land operations in Mullaitivu
and Thenmarachi come through.
The large high-powered LTTE boat seized in the action
was well armed and equipped with radar to take on air
craft as well as naval targets. It underlined the naval
capacity built by the Sea Tigers over the years in
improving the weaponry, equipment and performance of
boats.
The action off Point
Pedro indicated Navy's ability to launch a well
coordinated operation involving more than one command.
At the same time, it is useful
to remember that the Navy's success came barely a month
after LTTE's successful sneak raid on naval posts in
Delft Island in May. That would indicate that things
are not so water tight on the Mannar coast. And that can
make a big difference, unless India fully cooperates to
keep its coast sanitized. In all probability, despite
the exchange of political rhetoric, India has already
taken action to do so.
So the blue print for a full scale war appears to be
nearing completion. President Mahinda Rajapaksa also
appears to have given the green signal for it when he
said, "To bring about permanent peace to this country
the government is dedicated to chase out the terrorists
from the Northern Province soon, like they were chased
out from the Eastern Province," while speaking at a
function at Thambalagamam two days back. But a mixture
of conventional and insurgency warfare is an explosive
one and things do not go according to the blue print. So
chasing out the terrorists from north could become a
messy process as past history has shown, because the
LTTE has nowhere to go.
The situation makes utter mockery of the Co-chairs'
reported effort to resurrect the peace process after
their closed door meeting at Oslo on June 25, 2007. The
absence of any statement at the end of the meeting would
indicate that it was not only peace process that was
discussed. The hardening stand against local LTTE
operators in the UK and Australia during the last couple
of weeks would indicate they might have discussed
tightening the thumbscrews on LTTE's local network in
their countries. Or have they given a lead time to the
government to come down heavily upon LTTE to 'soften up'
its journey to the peace process? Only time will tell.
The tragic reality is that chances of peace are
sinking in the horizon as weapons are cocked and bombs
are primed. One cannot help feeling sorry for the
ordinary people of Sri Lanka, particularly in the north
and east and in Colombo, who are bearing the burden of
war they are financing, at the cost of their lives. More
than devolution of powers, human rights violations,
abductions, colonization and all other issues the most
urgent issue now is the right of the citizen to live in
peace -that is bringing back peace. And surprisingly the
cause of peace appears to have very few takers because
it has been going on for too long. For the decision
makers of war, it's a distant thing fought by soldiers.
And success in war is a heady thing that tends to blur
the larger picture. This is what has happened in Sri
Lanka.
(Col. R Hariharan, an intelligence specialist on South
Asia, is a retired Military Intelligence officer. He
served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace
Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. E-mail:
colhari@yahoo.com)