NEPAL: Declaration of Republic and Thereafter:
Update No. 160
By Dr. S. Chandrasekharan.
Despite unanimity in declaring Nepal a republic during the first
session of the Constituent Assembly on 28th May, the two
mainstream political parties the Nepali Congress and the CPN (UML)
and the Maoists are at loggerheads over sharing of power. While
the Maoists insist that the posts of the Prime minister and the
President should go to them, the other two main political
parties insist that the Maoists could keep the prime minister’s
post with executive powers and leave the President’s post which
has more ceremonial content, to them and perhaps along with the
speaker’s post in the new assembly. The Maoists have also not
agreed to any amendment of the interim constitution to elect or
remove the Prime minister by a simple majority. There has been
no meeting point so far and they continue to be on a collision
course.
As before, the Maoists have threatened to quit the government
and go to the streets from tomorrow if Koirala does not quit and
hand over power to the Maoists. G.P. is unlikely to leave his
post so soon, but as we have seen before the mainstream
political parties will succumb to the pressure by finding a
“face-saving solution.”
The drama of sharing of “spoils” started even before the
Constituent Assembly met on May 28. It would have been perfectly
all right if the present status quo of the Prime minister acting
also as Head of State continued until the new constitution comes
into effect. If the fear was that once Prachanda becomes the
Prime minister he cannot be removed (as neither consensus nor
two thirds majority would be available), the simplest thing
should have been to amend the constitution alone to make it a
simple majority for electing or removing the Prime minister.
This would also help Prachanda to save his face with his cadres
and the people as he had gone to the polls promising that he
would be leading the State as President if his party comes to
power. Instead, both the NC and the UML having lost the
elections and thus the mandate of the people to lead, want a
major role in running the government. Their idea appears to be
that once in government in an active portfolio they could keep
the Maoists under check. Here they are mistaken as we had seen
ever since the 12 point agreement of 2005, that the Maoists have
had their way even when they were not in government!
Declaration of Nepal as Republic:
It was a historic day that on May 28, (Jestha 15) the newly
formed constituent assembly passed a resolution with near total
unanimity to declare Nepal as a sovereign democratic republic.
K.P. Situala, the Home Minister tabled a resolution on behalf of
the Prime minister that said “ The first meeting of the
Constituent Assembly declares that Nepal is officially converted
into a federal democratic republic from today. Nepal shall
remain sovereign, independent and integrated, secular and
inclusive.” It also said that all special, legal, cultural,
social and traditional privileges, rights, honour and facilities
the former King and his family used to enjoy in the past shall
be automatically be scrapped.
The resolution was passed by 560 of the 564 members present.
Four members of the RPP voted against the resolution. The
meeting that was to start at 11:00 A.M. in the morning was
delayed by eleven hours due to last minute wrangles among the
parties. Both the NC and the UML decided to back the resolution
for a republic only after the Maoists conceded to create the
posts of President and Vice President and also a Deputy Prime
Minister.
Thus after 239 years, eight months and three days the Shah
dynasty from Gorkha that ruled Nepal from the valley came to an
end.
From a legal point of view, the resolution is irregular as the
constitutional assembly is not in full strength as 26 members to
be chosen by the Prime minister are yet to be inducted. In fact
on this very issue a writ has been filed in the Supreme Court by
one Ram Kumar Ojha of Nepal Janata Dal. Yet the overwhelming
sense of the assembly was to get rid of monarchy and in the
present circumstances the proclamation has to be treated as
valid.
A fourth amendment to existing interim constitution was also
made for transfer of some of the posers exercised by the Prime
minister to the President but only on the recommendation of the
Prime Minister or the cabinet or the constitutional councils.
These include
-
Appointment of the Supreme Commander of the Army.
- Right
to declare state of emergency on cabinet’s recommendation
- Right
to receive credentials of foreign ambassadors.
- Right
to pardon and approve bills
- Right
to appoint ambassadors and heads of constitutional bodies on
the advice of the constitutional assembly and the
appointment of Attorney General.
It could be seen that most of the powers are ceremonial in
nature and it is not clear how Koirala as President can exercise
any real power as against a Maoist Prime Minister who is
determined by fair or other means to restructure the country
entirely.
On 29th May, the flag with the royal emblem was lowered down in
the Narayanhitty Palace. Later to add insult to injury,
Prachanda with his colleagues travelled to Gorkha, the ancient
seat of Shah Dynasty to unveil a sign board on the palace wall
announcing the birth of a Federal Democratic Republic. Prachanda
in the mass meeting that followed said “ I want to give the
message that the Shah dynasty has ended in the same place from
where it was expanded.”
The Monarchy:
It looks that the King has finally accepted the inevitable and
had taken note of the CA’s resolution asking him to vacate
Narayanhitty within 15 days. Media reports indicate that K.P.
Situala met the King at the Palace on 2nd June with the heads of
two committees formed to gather details of the palace’s
infrastructure and belongings and another to recommend security
arrangements in the Palace. The King was said to be calm and
composed. He reportedly said that he accepted the proclamation
of the constituent assembly and that he is ready to quit before
the dead line. Separately to Situala, he expressed his concern
about his security, the need to have separate houses for his
step mother and grand mother and a separate palace for royals to
live. These are small issues which should not be difficult.
The Terai:
The Terai leaders are up in arms. Having realised the need to
have a common political and ideological agenda, the three
parties the MJF, TMDP and the NSP have decided to have a common
political and ideological agenda.
The Terain parties do not seem to have realised that the current
interim constitution does not recognise them at all although
they have considerable strength in the assembly. Upendra Yadav
has already put in his conditions for joining the government
though it is not yet clear whether the Madhesi parties have been
approached. His reiterated his demands that include-
-
Immediate initiative for group wise recruitment of Madhesis
in all sections of government including security and civil
organisations.
- To
conduct a scientific consensus of the Madhesi people.
- To
form a high level commission to facilitate proportional
representation of Madhesis in different forms of government.
- Maoist
leaders should quit their posts in the PLA before joining
the government.
-
Cessation of the anarchic activities of the YCL.
- To
return all seized properties to the rightful owners.
-
Adjustment of Maoist army according to a consensus based
policy under a certain time frame.
Upendra Yadav should realise two things. First- he should be
able to talk on behalf of all the Terains and for this he should
try to get them all together. Second- he will not be able to cut
down the violent activities of the YCL that is getting out of
hand. The best he could do is to keep the YCL at bay at least in
the Terai region. On the other hand, the Maoists having realised
the crucial role the YCL played in getting the Maoists elected
are planning to expand it in a big way. Badal ( CPN- Maoist)has
already said on record that they would expand the YCL in a big
way to ensure that they get all the 240 seats in the next
elections!