Maoists
Surprise Greyhounds - International
Terrorism Monitor--- Paper No. 406
by B. Raman
Only twenty-nine members of the
highly-reputed Greyhounds counter-insurgency
action force of the Andhra Pradesh Police
managed to escape a well-organised ambush in
water laid on June 29, 2008, by a group of
Maoist terrorists as a party of 65
Greyhounds was returning to Andhra Pradesh
by a boat after an unsuccessful combing
operation for Maoists in the territory of
Orissa. Thirty-four Greyhounds are missing
and two others are reported to have been
killed. It is not yet known whether the 34
missing were also killed or whether some of
them had been captured by the Maoists, who
have not made any claim so far.
2. The Greyhounds party, which had
entered the territory of Orissa reportedly
on information received by them about the
plans of the Maoists to hold a meeting, was
returning to Andhra Pradesh in a single
motorised boat belonging to the Balimela
hydel project. They were returning by the
Sileru river. As the boat entered the
Balimela reservoir in the territory of
Orissa created by the hydel project, it was
attacked by an unknown number of Maoists,
who had taken up position on the surrounding
hills. The Greyhounds, who were taken by
surprise, tried to retaliate, but their
return fire against the Maoists located on
the hills above the reservoir was
ineffective. The boat kept moving despite
initially being hit by some bullets, but
capsized after having been hit by one or
more grenades thrown or fired from a
launcher by the Maoists. All on board jumped
into the water. While some swam to safety,
others were not lucky. Their final fate is
not yet known.
3. The boat had a three-member crew one
of whom fell into the hands of the Maoists,
but they released him unharmed. His
interview by Suryanarayan Pattnaik of the
"Times of India" ( July 1,2008) gives the
most authentic account of the ambush. He is
quoted as saying in the interview: "We were
three staff in the boat that belongs to the
Balimela hydro project. On Saturday (June
28) evening, we were just told to be ready
to leave for some place the next day. We did
not know the destination. Around 4 AM on
Sunday, two policemen from Chiltrakonda
police station came and we five left for
Janbai to bring Greyhound personnel of AP.
We came to know that they had gone to
Papermetla in Orissa three days ago on an
anti-Maoist operation. We reached Janbai
where the Greyhounds policemen boarded the
boat. We were 65 people on board then and
left Janbai. The boat had hardly gone about
5 to 7 Kms when the Maoists started firing
on the boat. While the boat was crossing a
narrow waterway, one bullet hit it. Before
the Greyhounds could act, the Maoists from
the hills rained bullets on the boat. Though
a few policemen retaliated, it bore little
fruit. The Maoists then hurled grenades on
the boat. A part of the vessel was damaged.
The boat started sinking. We were helpless
and all of us started jumping into the water
to save our lives. I also jumped out of the
boat. While I was swimming towards the bank,
I desperately shouted that I was a civilian.
My screaming worked. The extremists stopped
firing at me, but they asked me to swim
towards them. They were six in number,
including two women. All were heavily armed.
They took me into the deep forests of
Gunupur hill. They grilled me for a few
hours. After some time, they told me they
would release me on condition that I should
never help policemen in future."
4. From his account, the following facts
emerge:
- The Greyhounds
party had gone into Orissa three days
before the ambush. It is not clear how
they went---by another boat or by road
- Three days of
combing in Orissa territory did not lead
to any Maoists. They decided to return
to Andhra Pradesh. A request for a boat
of the hydel project was made the
previous night through the Orissa
Police, but the project authorities were
not told that the boat was for the
Greyhounds. But since the request came
through the Orissa Police, anyone aware
of this should not have had any
difficulty in guessing that the boat was
being requisitioned for the travel of a
police party.
- The number of
Maoists who successfully laid the ambush
was small. They were not in their
hundreds as reported by sections of the
media.
- The boatman did
not find any Greyhounds personnel in the
custody of the team of six Maoists, who
captured and released him after
interrogation. It is possible there were
other Maoist groups in the area, which
had also participated in the ambush of
which the boatman was not aware.
5. Another "Times of
India" report had stated that the Greyhounds
had gone into Orissa on receiving
information that the Maoists were to hold a
meeting in Orissa territory. It is not clear
whether the Greyhounds received this
information from one of their sources or
from the Orissa police.
6. Whatever be the case, it is evident
that certain omissions of security
precautions by the Greyhounds enabled the
Maoists to mount this successful ambush.
Since the Greyhounds were on an unsuccessful
combing operation in Orissa territory for
three days, while planning for their return
to their base in Andhra Pradesh they should
have taken into account the possibility that
the Maoists would have come to know of their
presence in Orissa territory and would be
waiting for their return in order to mount
an ambush. There was also a possibility of a
leak of their return plans the previous
night when the boatmen were alerted to be
ready to take a party to Andhra Pradesh
early in the morning.
7. These factors necessitated two
precautions: Stationing of police parties on
land on the surrounding hill tops as the
boat was moving to prevent any ambush and
avoiding the entire party of about 65
travelling by one boat at the same time. In
an ambush on land, a police party, if its
reflexes are good, has a reasonable chance
of re-grouping and retaliating when
ambushed. When ambushed on water
particularly from a height, the chances of
re-grouping and retaliating are low and nil
if the boat is hit and capzises.
8. This ambush is definitely a set-back
for the Greyhounds, but this need not dent
their reputation as one of the best
counter-insurgency police forces in India.
Set-backs cannot always be avoided. The
difference between a good force and a not so
good force is that a good force learns from
its mistakes and avoids repeating them. A
not so good force does not. Being a good
force, one can expect that the Greyhounds
will draw the right lessons for their future
operations.
9. The audacious manner in which the
Maoists successfully mounted this ambush of
a water-borne police party speaks of their
continuing motivation, excellent reflexes
and ability to plan and execute operations
at short notice. The jihadi terrorism
outside Kashmir is mainly urban terrorism.
The Maoist terrorism is mainly rural
terrorism. The jihadis attack hard and soft
targets, the security forces as well as
innocent civilians. Their attacks on
civilians are indiscriminate. The Maoists
focus on hard targets from the security
forces and their perceived class enemies.
Their terrorism is well-calibrated
and selective in order not to create
feelings of revulsion against them in the
minds of the public. The muted public
reaction to the Maoist ambush is indicative
of the success of their methods.
10. The Greyhounds have become a legend
with the police forces in the States
affected by Maoist insurgency. There has
been a lot of public adulation of the
Greyhounds. As a result, the Andhra Pradesh
Police have acquired the conviction that
such forces are the real answer to
terrorism. After a number of jihadi acts of
terrorism in Hyderabad last year, the Andhra
Pradesh police decided to raise a separate,
but similar force tailor-made to deal with
the urban jihadi terrorism. It has been
named the Octopus.
11. The AP Police seem to have a
fascination for such esoteric names for
their special forces. Such forces alone
cannot effectively deal with terrorism
unless complemented by skillful political
handling of the public grievances that give
rise to terrorism and strengthening
traditional policing in matters like urban
and rural patrolling, police-community
relations and successful investigation and
prosecution of terrorism-related cases. The
record of the AP Police in the investigation
and prosecution of terrorism-related cases
is quite poor. Unless their traditional
policing improves, forces such as the
Greyhounds and the Octopus alone cannot
neutralise terrorism.
12. Annexed are some extracts from the
chapter on Maoist terrorism in my book
titled "Terrorism: Yesterday, Today &
Tomorrow" published this month by the Lancer
Publishers of New Delhi (www.lancerpublishers.com)
(The writer is
Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet
Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and,
presently, Director, Institute For Topical
Studies, Chennai. E-mail:
seventyone2@gmail.com)
ANNEXURE (Extracts from the chapter
on Maoist terrorism in my book)
Our Intelligence Bureau (IB), which is
largely an urban-based organisation, has
very little capability for preventive
intelligence collection in the rural areas.
We have to depend on the rural police for
this purpose. The ability of the rural
police to collect intelligence depends to a
considerable extent on its mobility
(patrolling) and its relationship with the
village communities in the affected areas.
Fears caused by the frequent use of
landmines with devastating effect by the
Maoists and the failure of the States to
provide the police with adequate mine
detection and clearing capability have
affected the mobility and rural patrolling.
This has also an impact on police-community
relationship. A police force, which is not
able to remain in regular touch with the
villagers, cannot collect much worthwhile
intelligence.
The inability of the State to deal with
the Maoist insurgency-cum-terrorism
effectively so far can be attributed to the
absence of a mix of political and
operational strategies. The political
strategy has to identify and address the
root causes of the spreading Maoism. While
the spread is alarming, it is not yet out of
control. There are still large areas in the
tribal belt where the people are not
supporting the Maoists and are observing law
and order. The State has so far failed to
undertake a crash development of these
areas, which have not yet been infected by
Maoism, in order to prove to the people that
they can achieve their justified economic
and social objectives through peaceful
means, without having to take up arms
against the State. Simultaneously, there has
to be an improvement in rural policing and
intelligence
collection in order to thwart the efforts of
the Maoists to bring these areas too under
their sway.
The areas, which have already come under
the effective control of the Maoists, need a
different strategy, with the emphasis more
on the professional and operational aspects
of counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency
than on the political and economic. The
objective is to wrest control of these areas
from the Maoists. This would be possible
only through expanding and strengthening the
police presence in the areas, creating in
the IB and the intelligence wings of the
Police an improved capability for
intelligence collection in the rural areas
and strengthening the capability of the
police and the para-military forces to
counter the modus operandi of the Maoists
such as their devastating use of landmines.
Concerned over the spread of Maoist
terrorism and insurgency, suggestions are
increasingly being made for giving the
police a military edge through training in
jungle warfare techniques etc. We should
definitely improve the technical
capabilities of the police in matters such
as mine-detection and neutralisation, but we
should not militarise the methods of
operation of the police.
The growing interest in some of our
officers----serving and retired---in the
highly militarized British and American
methods of dealing with insurgency and
terrorism needs to be curbed. The former
British occupying power in Malaya used and
the current American occupying power in Iraq
uses highly militarised methods. They
were/are operating against foreign nationals
in foreign territory and had/have,
therefore, no qualms about the kind of
methods they were/are using to suppress the
insurgency-cum-terrorism.
Our Police and para-military forces are
operating in our own territory against our
own people. We have to temper effectiveness
with self-restraint. We had to use the
jungle warfare methods in Mizoram and
certain areas of the North-East in the 1960s
and the 1970s because of the involvement of
Pakistan and China in keeping the insurgency
sustained in those areas. We cannot
unintelligently use those methods in our
tribal heartland in Central India.
Modernisation of the police forces' rural
counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency
capability, yes; but, militarisation, no.
While dealing with the Maoist insurgency,
we have to make a distinction between the
poor people who have legitimate causes for
anger against the State and against those
whom they perceive as the exploiting classes
of society and the Maoist ideologues, who
are trying to exploit this anger to achieve
political power through the barrel of the
gun. The ideologues must be made to realise
that they cannot achieve their objective by
using the rural poor as their cannon fodder.
The State has to act firmly against them. At
the same time, it is important to
prevent the rural poor from letting
themselves be used as the cannon fodder of
the Maoist ideologues. This is only possible
through appropriate anger containment and
reduction measures. Unless they perceive the
State as the protector of the poor and
exploited classes and not of the exploiting
classes, it would not be possible to wean
them away from the Maoist ideologues.
A comprehensive strategy of anger
containment and reduction on the one side
and better counter-insurgency and security
in the rural areas on the other is required.
This strategy has to be worked out centrally
with inputs from the affected States and co-ordinated
in its implementation from the Centre. Such
a comprehensive strategy is presently
lacking.