India And Bangladesh Must Come Together

By Bhaskar Roy

No foreign relations in Bangladesh raises such a political storm as relations with India do. This is not new. Bangladesh became independent in 1971. The people of Bangladesh paid with their blood to achieve this goal and correct an incongruous relationship with West Pakistan or Pakistan as it is now.

The division of the subcontinent in 1947 which created the two wings of Pakistan, West Pakistan and East Pakistan was never a case for common bonding. Problems started in 1948 with the East Pakistanis resenting cultural and economic domination from the western wing. The anti-West Pakistan movement was ignited by the 1952 language movement in Dhaka, opposing imposition of Urdu as the main language.

India played a significant role in Bangladesh’s liberation war, having been dragged in by the Pakistani army and their Bangladeshi collaborators launching a genocidal mayhem on the country. Around three thousand Indian soldiers lost their lives, India bore the burden of hosting around 10 million Bangladeshi refugees, and accorded substantial assistance to the fledging nation. Then things began to go wrong.

Certainly, the credit for independence must go to the Bangladeshis. Their sacrifice is incomparable. But a question remains on the outcome of this war if Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had not intervened. With Pakistan’s air attack on India, it became an India-Pakistan war. Some core freedom fighter organisations in Bangladesh have been demanding for years national recognition of Lt. Gen. J.S. Aurora, GOC of Indian forces in Bangladesh (who accepted the Pakistani surrender), Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw, and Mrs. Indira Gandhi. But India has desisted from involving itself in such projects for good reasons.

Although Prime Minister Indira Gandhi withdrew Indian forces from Bangladesh in the shortest possible time despite dismay from some Bangladeshi leaders, it was a wise decision.

The Pakistani army surrendered to Lt. Gen. Aurora in Dhaka on December 16, 1971. It was an euphoric occasion. But according to Indian army officers on duty in Bangladesh, within the first few months of 1972 they became targets of children and lumpens on Dhaka streets shouting “Indian dogs, go back!’. The significance of this development cannot be under estimated. It demonstrated that a section with strong anti-India and pro-Pakistan feelings had taken deep roots in the country, despite the move by the new government to try collaborators and war criminals. There should be some explanation as to how these elements were allowed to function so freely.

The assassination of Bangabandhu Sk. Mujibur Rahman and family and relatives by a group of army officers on August 15, 1975 turned India-Bangladesh relations upside down. Important questions hang over the real intentions of freedom fighters like Maj.Zia-ur-Rehman, Maj. Gen. (Retd.) M.A. Matin and some others. Zia worked through the turmoil of the post-Mujibur years to become the Army Chief, President and founder of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which is now headed by his widow, Begum Khaleda Zia. He ensured that the Mujib killers got diplomatic assignments abroad. He legalised the banned Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI), the pro-Pakistan collaborators.

Zia brought India-Bangladesh relation to a low point till his assassination in 1981. The BNP-JEI government from 2001-2006, under Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, surpassed even that. Evidence supports the assessment the BNP-JEI government did everything possible, even at the cost of the country’s development, to obstruct India. This visceral antipathy is rare between close neighbours, but this was done according to a plan.

The Awami League (AL) and the grand coalition led by Sk. Hasina swept to power at the December 28, 2008 elections on two grounds. The BNP-JEI had reduced the country to a Mafia-like fiefdom. And the army kept itself out from rigging the electoral process. A third reason, perhaps, was the focus of the international community on the elections.

In the last three months, Prime Minister Sk. Hasina’s India visit has engaged Bangladesh’s politics. The BNP-JEI with their alliances are determined to show that the AL and Sk. Hasina are selling the country’s sovereignty to India. To them, Bangladesh’s development is of no concern. The only objective is to spite India and join Pakistan as a loose federation.

Sk. Hasina is looking at a much larger picture of a stable Bangladesh which has to confront fast growing challenges of economic development, climate change, and an economic and trade network with South East Asia for which the Asian Highway sponsored by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) is a must.

Leaderships of countries in today’s globalised world seek to maximise their country’s development with co-operation with others, not a zero-sum game. But the BNP-JEI scuttled the Myanmar-Bangladesh-India gas pipeline, cutting its own licensed earnings, to prevent India from getting the Myanmar gas. They stymied the Asian Highway project which could bring Bangladesh substantial transit trade benefit, just to counter India. The combine also blocked all India related Bangladesh cooperation which could advance mainland India’s connectivity with its North-East region to ensure short transit linkages did not develop, despite the fact that Bangladesh would earn transit fees. These are a few examples which cost Bangladesh more than India.

It is generally perceived that the Awami League and its grand coalition comprising secular, democratic and progressive political parties are India’s natural allies. These are the pro-liberation minded groups who see in India support, development and stability.

On the other hand, the BNP-JEI combine have demonstrated that they are natural opponents of India. The JEI and its students wing Islamic Chatro Shibir (ICS) were the Pakistan occupation army’s collaborators. This has been officially recorded. The BNP, which was formed in 1978, comprised of old Jamaat cadres and leaders, some stray anti-India elements, cold war allies of the USA and pro-China elements.

The following comparison between the JEI and BNP is interesting. Just before surrendering to the Indian forces in 1971, the Pakistan army and their collaborators, differently named groups as Al Shams, Razakars and Al Badrs tried to physically eliminate all pro-independence leaders and intellectuals in virtual pogroms. They wanted to leave the country as leaderless as possible.

In 1975, the group of army officers who assassinated Sk. Mujibur Rahman and his family and relations, also mowed down top leaders of the Awami League who had been put in jail. The aim was to eliminate the party’s leadership. President Zia-ur-Rehman protected these killers.

This is indicative of a serious divide over India in Bangladesh. Although the BNP and the JEI were swept out of power at the last general elections, they have their own committed supporters and constituencies, which is not insignificant.

Old ghosts have returned to haunt the JEI and the BNP. In the Sk. Mujibur Rahman case 12 ex-army officers have been condemned to death. Five of them are in custody while the rest are absconding abroad.

The 1971 war criminal trials are going to commence in February or March. Among the important listed offenders are top JEI leaders and at least one BNP leader. The names of about a dozen Pakistani leaders also figure in this list, but it is unlikely the government will press for their appearance.

Investigations into the attempt on Sk. Hasina’s life on August 21, 2004 is nearing conclusion. A senior Awami League leader was among the 24 killed. Evidence suggest several BNP leaders including at least one Minister handled this conspiracy, employing the terrorist organization, HUJI.

Another case under investigation is April, 2004 illegal arms confiscation case in the port city of Chittagong. Eight truck loads of arms brought from a Chinese port, were landed at the Chittagong port, for transfer to the ULFA in
Assam. Involved in this operation is a line up of intelligence heads of Bangladesh and Pakistan, a Pakistani media company ARY based in Dubai, around ten former Ministers and political leaders , and the trail is leading to the then Prime Minister Khaleda’s door. There are other serious cases, too.

During the BNP-JEI government, Indian insurgent groups like the ULFA, NSCN (I/M), the Manipuris and Bodos were given full support apart from the assistance from Laskhar-e-Toiba (LET), HUJI and, finally Dawood Ibrahim. In brief, the BNP-JEI led four-party alliance (2001-2006) converted Bangladesh into a frontline terrorist base against India.

The record of JEI and the BNP from 1971 was one of anti-nationalism. By the time the verdict is announced on these cases they would earn national and international opprobrium.

These two parties, pushed to a corner, are looking for opportunities to open new questions against the Awami League, to create a volatile political situation in the country. The focal point is Prime Minster Sk. Hasina’s forthcoming visit to India. All potential India-Bangladesh agreements are targeted as anti-Bangladesh and a sell out of Bangladesh’s sovereignty to India. This is aimed to raise questions on India’s intention and credibility among the people of Bangladesh. There is a lot of sensitivity on both sides of this bilateral relations. The negativity is there and apprehensions about a big neighbour are not difficult to exploit.

The BNP and JEI mouthpiece have already started misinformation about Sk. Hasina’s visit, and Indian intelligence agencies sabotaging Bangladesh’s sovereignty. Simultaneously, seminars are being held, marches are being organized, appeals are being made abroad, against possible India-Bangladesh agreements on the cards. Although Bangladesh is power starved, a possible power purchase agreement is being dubbed as an Indian trap where India can cut off supply at will.

It is now India’s call on how to handle Sk. Hasina’s visit. She has delivered on her promise to tackle terrorism. While the process is still ongoing, Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism which had taken deep roots will take much more to defeat, if at all.

It will be wise to put aside contentious issues for further discussions, while going ahead with those which are workable. Trade and transit surface connectivity between Bangladesh, and Nepal and Bhutan through India is doable. So is Bangladesh’s power purchase from Nepal and Bhutan. Better tariff and access to Bangladeshi products must also be considered positively.

The issue of adversely possessed enclaves, especially Dahagram and Angarporta must be resolved. As a much larger country and economy, India must accord Bangladeshi exports special terms. And the Indian Border Security Force (BSF) should be much less trigger happy on petty Bangladeshi smugglers.

India’s large heartedness will take the wind out of the sails of the Bangladeshi opponents. This will create space for strong arguments for the Bangladeshi government to push through other bilateral agreements. The entire gamut of issues cannot be resolved with one issue.

How confident are Sk. Hasina and her team to execute their Indian policy without constantly looking over their shoulders. The latest developments in Bangladesh suggest there is significant bureaucratic opposition to fast paced Bangladesh-India good will. Most of these officers are either JEI or BNP acolytes or beneficiaries. It is well known that Prime Minister Hasina’s life is under constant threat. She is the living symbol of Liberation, being Sk. Mujibur Rahman’s eldest daughter. Unless she holds firm she will lose ground.

Sk. Hasina must return from India with at least one bag full. The rest can then follow. But the journey will be arduous.

(The author is an experienced analyst of South Asian region. He can be contacted at grouchohart@yahoo.com)