SRI LANKA: Lessons to be
learnt and unlearnt – Update No. 198
By Col. R. Hariharan
President Mahinda Rajapaksa has appointed
the much awaited ‘Lessons Learnt and
Reconciliation Commission’ (LLRC). The
Island newspaper in its editorial
‘Some V-day thoughts’
voiced the pertinent question, “Why should
we expend our time and energy to reinvent
the wheel?”
The appointment of the commission had been
in incubation for nearly a year. Actually
Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative in the
UN had spoken about his government
initiating a mechanism for fact finding and
reconciliation at the UN Security Council
Interactive Briefing in June 2009. And after
taking so long, why did President Rajapaksa
choose the ‘Victory Day’ eve to appoint the
commission?
Apparently, Sri Lanka after trying other
methods to ward off the flak at the UN on
the issue of Sri Lanka’s human rights
violations during the war for more than a
year has adopted the face saving way of
appointing the LLRC. Things came to a boil
when the UN Secretary General Ban ki-Moon
persisted with his proposal to appointment a
panel of experts to look at the issue. Of
course, Sri Lanka had tried all means
including a botched attempt at getting the
NAM representatives to pass a resolution
against the UN Secretary General’s move.
Significantly, India -Sri Lanka’s closest
ally in the sub continent – did not vote for
Sri Lanka at the NAM representatives
meeting. Did Sri Lanka take a hint? I do not
think so.
Since it went to war Sri Lanka government
had tied itself in knots over issues of
violations of human rights and fundamental
freedoms. This had been cause of great
concern to civil society both at home and
abroad. The state of emergency and the
Prevention of Terrorism Act energized during
the war came down heavily on any criticism
of the government. The sentencing of veteran
journalist and columnist J.S. Tissainayagam,
sentenced to 20 years of rigorous
imprisonment under the anti-terror law was a
typical act that put Sri Lanka in the black
book of global media. The case attracted so
much attention that even the U.S. President
Barrack Obama had expressed his concern
about it.
The adverse international reaction became
worse when the issue of war crimes,
particularly as allegations of death of
thousands of civilians in the closing stages
of war due to army shelling, gathered more
mass. The voices at the UN became more
strident and critical of Sri Lanka. And Ban
ki-Moon’s move was the culmination of these
rumblings in Sri Lanka.
Logically, immediately after the victorious
war with the elimination of the Tamil Tigers
leadership, Sri Lanka should have unshackled
all the restrictions imposed during the war.
That would have partly met the just demands
of civil society; it would have had the
advantage of improving the credibility
levels of Sri Lanka. But it has not happened
so far.
However, it appears President Rajapaksa is
trying to tackle this issue by taking small
measures to reduce the pressure at a time of
his choosing. Tissainayagam was released on
bail on the eve of the recent elections.
And after the return of the President from
the SAARC Summit at Thimphu,
early this month the newly appointed
Minister of External Affairs Prof GL Peiris
announced the President had pardoned the
journalist. Did his talks with the Indian
Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh during the
Summit influence the decision? To be
charitable to India, we can think so. If we
look at the timing of the appointment of the
LLRC it would appear to be so as
coincidentally India’s Secretary for
External Affairs Ms Nirupama Rao had touched
upon the fringe of issues in Sri Lanka that
are of concern to India.
If
local and international
political expediency was behind the
appointment of the Commission, it is a
little too late as the issues have been
ignored for over a year and the critics have
gained considerable mileage. In any case, a
UN official in New York has clarified that
it was not going to stop Ban ki-Moon from
appointing an expert panel. According to a
media report, the UN official said President
Rajapaksa’s commission and the UN Chief’s
expert panel were two different concepts due
to which Ban Ki Moon would not reconsider
appointing his panel. And the UN Secretary
General would send his Under Secretary
General for Political Affairs Lynn Pascoe to
Sri Lanka as soon as clearance is given by
the government there.
The UN official’s observations appear
correct if we look at the terms of reference
of the Commission given in media reports.
These are to examine and report on the
following aspects:
(a) The facts and circumstances which led
to the failure of the ceasefire agreement
and the sequence of events that followed
thereafter up to May 19 2009
(b) Whether any person, group, or
institutions directly or indirectly bear
responsibility in this regard.
(c) Lessons learnt from these events in
order to ensure that there will be no
recurrence.
The wording of the terms of reference is
vague and general, rather than specific and
pointed. So even if the commission completes
its job, it provides sufficient room for
endless legal quibbling to delay any action.
They will be subject to interpretation
whether they cover major issues of civil
society concern.
The International Crisis Group has just come
out with a detailed report on the war crimes
committed by the armed forces and the LTTE.
Channel 4 has kindled the fire of war crimes
with more inputs. And General Fonseka had
brought parliamentary focus on the issue of
war crimes. Sri Lanka has to face these
issues and take action. International donors
who had been supporting Sri Lanka are
already weary of its attitude. According to
the UN, the country has received only 24% of
the total funds ($ 337 million) required for
continuing the humanitarian operations. So
the appointment of the LLRCis not going to
quell strident voices against Sri Lanka. Nor
is it going to improve Sri Lanka’s
international credibility.
The Commissioners appointed under provisions
of Section 2 of the Commissions of Inquiry
Act (Chapter 393) has eight prominent
personalities as members including at least
three with Foreign Service background. Among
them is HMGS Palihakkara, former foreign
secretary, considered a man of high
integrity.
But the issue here is not much as what the
LLRC does or finds, but whether its efforts
would produce useful results to increase the
credibility of the President and the
government. After all there had been many
commissions in the past which had faced
endless obstacles and delaying tactics from
the administration. So we can expect the
LLRC to make only limping progress in the
coming years as every point is debated.
Such squabbling is not unknown. Statutory
commissions like the Election Commission,
Public Service Commission, Police
Commission, Human Rights Commission and the
Bribery and Corruption Commission have
suffered as appointments to them were mired
in political controversy. This has literally
ground them to halt and the President is
likely to propose amendment to the
constitution to enable him to go ahead with
the appointment of chairmen and members of
these commissions.
Sri Lanka government should ponder over the
Island’s original question:
“Why should we expend our time and energy to
reinvent the wheel?” The newspaper has
justified its question aptly:
“Lessons that all of us have already learnt
and have yet to learn from thirty years of
fighting are fairly well known. Some of them
are: no community can or must try to
suppress another; violence does not pay;
this country does not belong to any
particular community; all communities belong
to it; it is too small to be divided among
different communities but certainly large
enough for all communities to live in
peacefully.”
What has been happening in Sri Lanka brings
to mind what Arthur Miller said in The
Crucible: “a political party is equated
with moral right, and opposition to it with
diabolical malevolence. Once such an
equation is effectively made, society
becomes a congerie of plots and
counterplots, and the main role of
government changes from that of the arbiter
to that of the scourge of God.”
Time is an irredeemable resource and Sri
Lanka has already wasted over 20 precious
years in debating what was obvious. Why
waste time on more meaningless commissions?
It is time to get on with positive action,
now that the war is over.
And to get going Sri Lanka needs an
attitudinal change. That is the lesson
number one to be learnt.
(Col R Hariharan, a retired Military
Intelligence specialist on South Asia,
served with the Indian Peace Keeping Force
in Sri Lanka as Head of Intelligence. He is
associated with the Chennai Centre for China
Studies and the South Asia Analysis Group.
E-Mail:
colhari@yahoo.com
Blog:
www.colhariharan.org)