Sri Lanka: Comments on Gen. Fonseka's Resignaion-Update No. 186

SRI LANKA: Comments on Gen Fonseka’s Resignation – Up date No 186

By Col R Hariharan

General Sarath Fonseka, Chief of Defence Staff, and national war hero submitted his resignation letter to President Mahinda Rajapaksa on November 12. Later the Information department of the government announced the President had accepted the resignation with immediate effect.

Although the General was to retire from service from 1 December 2009, his resignation before that was not unexpected. In fact it is the successful culmination of efforts of the opposition parties to put up the General as their candidate to oppose President Rajapaksa in the presidential election likely to be held in early 2010. They had been relentlessly trying cash in on his steadily deteriorating relationship with the President ever since the war ended. The confirmation of Fonseka's political ambitions would be when he files his nomination paper for the presidential poll. This is probably only a matter of detail now as his resignation has been accepted by the President.

The General’s anguish over the treatment meted out to him is brought out the resignation letter [copy of the letter published in http://www.lankatruth.com is at annexure]. It clearly lists out the reasons for his decision.

Comments

Here are my comments on his resignation in response to specific questions raised by the media:

General Fonseka has spoken about the government alerting the Government of India on its suspicion about the Sri Lank army staging a coup. What do you think of it?

Yes, this was also reported in the Colombo media. I think after the war the huge size of the army – around 200,000 –built up for the war (General Fonseka was talking of expanding it to 300,000), coupled with the President's growing differences with the General, made the government nervous. It was more a reflection on the worsening relationship of the General with the President than on the credibility of the army.

Do you think India would have positively responded to Sri Lanka’s request for troops to control a possible coup attempt?

India has always had close relations with Sri Lanka. In the past India had responded to Sri Lanka’s requests for military support to avert possible coups. When massive protest was building up in Colombo after the signing of India-Sri Lanka Agreement in 1987, President JR Jayawardane feared the possibility of an army coup to topple him. To avert this he sought Indian assistance. India promptly sent two warships to Colombo with troops stationed on board presumably to discourage such an attempt.

President Rajapaksa has built close relations with Indian leadership. Probably he made no major move that would impact India's strategic relations with his country without consulting India. However, this is not at all unusual in view of the strong bonds of friendship that exists between the two countries, Sri Lanka leaders have always made it a point to keep India on the information loop. Definitely India would not have been happy if the armed forces toppled the elected government of Rapaksa. Though I am not privy to the decisions of India’s Ministry of Defence, in all probablility India would have responded positively to any request for assistance from the Sri Lankan President.

What do you think of Indian reaction to General Fonseka’s resignation?

I am sure the news of his resignation would have come as no surprise to the Indian government. Thre are regular briefings between the two countries on key issues. Moreover, Indian leadership was probably briefed on such a possibility by Ranil Wickremesinghe, the leader of the main opposition party the United National Party (UNP), during his recent visit to New Delhi.

After his resignation, General Fonseka is likely to be pitched against President Rajapaksa in the presidential elections. What is your comment on this?

I think the development is good for the country’s democratic polity. President Rajapaksa’s is immensely popular and wields enormous political clout. He is at present in an unassailable position. Perhaps the General is the only person who can give him a run for the money when the country goes to the presidential poll. And that could make the President to critically look back at his record rather than taking people's support for granted.

Both the President and Fonseka have been responsible in their own spheres for the success in the Eelam War. So when these two powerful candidates contest for presidency vital issues (other than the military achievement) that were ignored earlier are likely to be discussed and debated. These issues include the Tamil demand for autonomy, ethnic equity, growing unemployment and high cost of living due to inflation. This is a healthy development for the growth of democracy.

There is a fear in some quarters about military commanders occupying the highest offices in the government. What is your view on this?

I think this fear is unfounded. There are generals like Eisenhower who served the country well. On the other hand we have generals in South America, who have turned their country into dictatorships after their election. So I think it depends upon the individual leader than on his military background. We should not forget a military leader brings in qualities unique to his profession like a structured way of thinking, abilities in problem solving, hard work and refusing to be browbeaten. These are great assets in any national leader.

Lastly, in our own country we have the example of General Khanduri whose excellent performance in improving national road infrastructure as a minister in Vajapayee’s government is yet to be equaled. Later he successfully headed the Uttarakhand government as chief minister.

What would be India’s preference between Rajapaksa and Fonseka as president of Sri Lanka?

I think Rajapaksa has a better equation with Indian leadership. He is a seasoned politician who has cultivated the Indian leaders over the years. On Tamil autonomy issue he has no great differences with India, although he has pushed it down in his list of priorities for political reasons.

General Fonseka has his networking more with Indian military leadership than with political leaders. His strong views smacking of Sinhala nationalism rather than Sri Lanka nationalism makes Government of India uncomfortable. On the other hand, the UNP - his main supporter in the presidential election - has good rapport with New Delhi. In particular, the UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe has the ear of New Delhi and that could be an advantage for the General in putting India at ease.

But there are also political compulsions of New Delhi that condition its Sri Lanka policy. The ruling coalition’s partners from Tamil Nadu, particularly the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Karunanidhi, always have a say in shaping it. Tamil Nadu political leaders will not be happy to see Fonseka as the president. That would be an advantage for Rajapaksa by default. So overall, India would probably prefer Rajapaksa to continue as president.

(Col. R Hariharan, a retired Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90.He is associated with the South Asia Analysis Group and the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Blog: www.colhariharan.org E-mail: colhari@yahoo.com

Annexure

GENERAL FONSEKA’S LETTER OF RESIGNATION

http://www.lankatruth.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3802:general-fonsekas-letter-of-resignation&catid=35:local&Itemid=50

His Excellency the President
Through the Secretary, Ministry of Defence,
Public Security, Law and Order
Presidential Secretariat
COLOMBO
12 November 2009

Your Excellency

REQUEST TO RETIRE FROM THE REGULAR FORCE OF THE SRI LANKA ARMY

1. I, General G S C Fonseka RWP RSP VSV USP rcds psc presently serving as the Chief of Defence Staff, was enlisted to the Ceylon Army on 05th Feb 1970 and was commissioned on the 01st June 1971. On the 6th Dec 2005 due to the trust and confident placed on me, Your Excellency was kind enough to promote me to the rank of Lieutenant General and appoint me as the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army in an era when the Country was embroiled with the menace of a bloody terrorism and was in a stalemate state after having toiled for a solution politically or otherwise for over 25 years without a success.

2. During my command of 3 years and 7 months, the Sri Lanka Army managed to eradicate the terrorist movement having apprehended an unbelievable stock of arms and munitions and decisively defeating the LTTE and its murderous leadership. which Your Excellency is obviously aware of. I would not be exaggerating to state that I was instrumental in leading the Army to this historic victory, of course with Your Excellency’s political support, which helped to materialize this heroic action. Though the field commanders, men and all members of the Army worked towards this common goal, it is with my vision, command and leadership that this yeomen task was achieved.

3. I do appreciate the fact that the Country and Your Excellency did recognize my services which led to me being promoted to the first ever serving four star general to command the Army, nevertheless the courses of action which initiated subsequently greatly depressed me which I have enumerated in the Annex hereto.

4. Considering the facts mentioned in the Annex and more, which I am privy to withhold, I am compelled to believe that Your Excellency and the Government has lost your trust and faith bestowed upon me for reasons best known to Your Excellency. Hence as the senior most serving military officer in the Country with 40 years of service, such a situation does not warrant a continuation of my duties any longer, thereby I have the honour to request that I be permitted to terminate my services and retire from the Regular Force of the Army with effect from 01st December 2009.

5. Furthermore I have the honour to request that on retirement Your Excellency would be kind enough to grant me sufficient security which includes trained combat soldiers, a suitable vehicle with sufficient protection (Bullet proof) and escort vehicles for my conveyances due to the fact that I am considered as one of the highest priority targets by the LTTE, which they are yet capable of achieving. Also, I wish to bring to Your Excellency’s kind notice that over 100 men, six escort vehicles and a bullet proof vehicle have been placed at the convenience of the former Commander of the Navy, Admiral WKJ Karannagoda. I presume that such arrangements would be made available to me, considering the threat factor I am facing, which Your Excellency is well aware of.

6. I would also wish to quote an example in the case of the former Indian Chief of Army Staff General A S Vadiya, instrumental in leading the Indian Army in Operation Blue Star against the Sheiks at the Golden Temple, Amristar in 1984, was assassinated whilst on retirement in 1986 purely in revenge of his victories achieved. I do not wish to experience a similar incident as I have already sustained serious injuries after the attempt on my life by a suicide cadre of the LTTE. Thereby, I am compelled to entrust you with my security which is requested for life.

7. Furthermore, I would like to emphasis on a statement made by me during my tenure as the Commander of the Army. In that, I mentioned my dislike to be in command forever and also I would ensure that my successor would not be burden with the task of war fighting, which I abided with. Hence, as I have already overstayed my retirement date by 4 years, I wish to proceed on retirement without further delays.

8. Forwarded for Your Excellency’s kind consideration please.

I have the honour to be
Your Excellency’s
Obedient Servant

G S C FONSEKA RWP RSP VSV USP rcds psc
General
Chief of Defence Staff

CONFIDENTIAL
Annex A
12 November 2009

FACTORS AFFECTING MY RETIREMENT FROM THE REGULAR FORCE OF THE ARMY

1. Various agencies misleading Your Excellency by stating a possible coup immediately after the victory over the LTTE which obviously led to a change of command in spite of my request to be in command until the Army celebrated its 60th Anniversary. This fear psychosis of a coup is well known among the defence circle.

2. Appointing an officer pending a disciplinary inquiry who performed duties only as a holding formation commander in the final battle as my successor, disregarding my recommendations to appoint Major General G A Chandrasiri as the Commander of the Army who was the then Chief of Staff and an officer with an exemplary service as the Security Forces Commander in Jaffna for over 3 years. This has already led to a deterioration of the high standards I was capable of introducing to the Army, to my bitter disappointment.

3. Appointing me as the Chief of Defence Staff, though a senior appointment to that of a service commander, with basically no authority, except for mere coordinating responsibilities in a manner which mislead the general public of the country and most members of the Armed Forces. In that the Secretary Defence pushing me to vacate the post of the Commander in just two weeks after the victory and Your Excellency insisting me to hand over duties in less than two months depriving me of my morel obligations in revamping the welfare and providing a sound administration to the men who fought a gallant battle.

4. Further, prior to my appointment I was mislead on the authority vested with the CDS. I was made to understand that the appointment carried more command responsibilities and authority than earlier, but subsequent to my appointment a letter by the Strategic Affairs Adviser to the Secretary Defence indicated that my appointment was purely to coordinate the services and not that of overall command. The letter is attached herewith for Your Excellency’s information. Such actions clearly defines Your Excellency’s and the Governments unwillingness to grant me with command responsibilities which leads to believe in a strong mistrust in me, which is most depressing after all what was performed to achieve war victory.

5. During a subsequent Service Commanders Meeting, the Secretary Defence was bold enough to state an unethical and uncalled statement by mentioning that "if operational control of all three services is granted to the CDS it would be very dangerous", which indeed was a loss of face to me in the presences of subordinate services commanders.

6. Your Excellency, you too made a statement at the very first security council soon after the 18th of May 09 when the battled was declared over, "that no further recruitment would be necessary" and "a strong public opinion is in the making stating that the Country is in possession of a too powerful army." It was surprising to hear such a comment from Your Excellency in spite of your repeated praise and boast of the war victory. I personally felt that Your Excellency has commenced mistrusting your own loyal Army which attained the unimaginable victory just a week ago. You again repeated the same statement even after I handed over the command. Over these comments I felt disgusted as we even insulted those who made the supreme sacrifice by such comments.

7. The present Army Commander immediately on assuming duties commenced transferring senior officers who immensely contributed to the war effort during my command tenure including those junior officers working with my wife at the Seva Vanitha Army Branch which was clearly to challenge the loyalty of officers and most discouraging to the officer corps of the Army, with a wrong signal being transmitted on my authority.

8. With a pain of mind it was noted that the same Army which gained victory for the Nation was suspected of staging a coupe and thereby alerting the Government of India once again on the 15th of October 2009, unnecessarily placing the Indian Troops on high alert. This action did tarnish the image and reputation gained by the Sri Lanka Army as a competent and professional organization who was capable of defeating a terrorist group after the Malayan Emergency, in the eyes of the World. This suspicion would have been due to the loyalty of the Sri Lanka Army towards me as its past Commander who led the Army to the historic victory.

9. During my absences from the Country (23 Oct 2009 to 5 Nov 2009) being on overseas leave, the Army Headquarters was bold enough to change the security personnel deployed at the AHQ Main Entrance and the Ministry of Defence emphasizing the withdrawal of the Sinha Regiment troops who were attached to me, as you are aware is my parent regiment and supplementing them with other regimental personnel. The Sinha Regiment troops were good enough to provide security to the Ministry of Defence for 4 years and it is surprising to note how the combat efficiency of the said troops supposed to have dropped overnight as per Secretary Defence’s opinion. Further the Sinha Regiment troops numbering a mere 4, non combatants, deployed for vehicle checking duties at the AHQ Main Entrance, were replaced by 14 armed Armoured Corps personnel, whilst a further two platoons were brought in to prevent the 4 non combat Sinha Regiment personnel performing duties, creating a mockery to the general public including to some foreign missions. This clearly indicates a questionable loyalty of troops good enough for duties for over four years purely due to the fact that the troops were from my Regiment. This also indirectly reflects mistrust on me or an indication that the persons concern wish to keep a tab on my movements and visitors to my HQ/residence which is a clear display of suspicion created on me.

10. Further on instructions of the Secretary Defence, troops from the Gajaba Regiment was brought in to the MOD complex which indicated a divide loyalty within the Army and reasons to believe that the Army now being politicized. This is being encouraged by the Army Commander too who thinks that the Armoured Corp troops should over power Sinha Regiment troops.

11. Instigating malicious and detrimental news items and rumors by interested parties including several senior government politicians which led to identify me as a traitor in spite of my personal contribution of the government to change the history of our country.

12. During my absence from the Country, an acting CDS or an officer to overlook duties was not appointed which indicates that the much spoken appointment of the CDS is unimportant to the Government and the National Security Council. If the appointment was of significant important as stated by most, it should have been imperative to appoint somebody to oversee the duties and thereby I am convinced that I have being granted with an unimportant appointment in spite of all the work done.

13. It is with sadness that I note that the ordinary Army which I toiled to transform into a highly professional outfit is now loosing its way. Increased desertions, lack of enthusiasm to enlist (A drop in enlistment rate by 50% is recorded), disciplinary problems on advocating divided commands indicates an unprofessional organization in the offing. During the last two months the members deserted are higher than the recruitment.

14.The plight of the IDPs is also a point of great concern to me. Thousands of valiant soldiers sacrificed their valuable lives to liberate these unfortunate civilians from the brutality and tyranny of the LTTE in order that they could live in an environment of freedom and democracy. Yet, today many of them are continuing to live in appalling conditions due to the lack of proper planning on the part of the government and the IDPs who have friends and relatives elsewhere in the country must be given the choice to live with them until proper demining has been done in their areas.

15.Your Excellency’s government has yet to win the peace in spite of the fact that the Army under my leadership won the war. There is no clear policy to win the hearts and minds of the Tamil people, which will surely ruin the victory, attained paving the way for yet another uprising in the future.

16. The peace dividend the whole country expected at the conclusion of the war has yet to materialize. The economic hardships faced by the people have increased while waste and corruption have reached endemic proportions; media freedom and other democratic rights continue to be curtailed. The many sacrifices the army made to end the war would not have been in vain, if we can usher in a new era of peace and prosperity to our motherland.