China:
“Friendship with India not to be at cost of ties with
Pakistan ”, say scholars prior to Manmohan visit
By D. S.
Rajan
On the eve of
Indian Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh’s visit to Beijing,
the Party and State-controlled domestic Chinese language
media in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), have carried
statements of some of the country’s prominent leaders and
scholars on Sino-Indian ties, which are notable for their
new points and emphasis different from what has so far been
seen in the despatches meant for international audience. For
reasons which are obvious, the question as to what extent
such statements may be relevant for its foreign policy,
becomes important for India, which now finds itself at an
important moment in history facing compulsions to ‘engage’
China.
First, the
acknowledgement by top Chinese leaders in the Party journals
of India’s rising status both in the region and the world,
signifies the fact that their perceptions of a rising India,
which have been evolving in recent years, are reaching
logical conclusions. Also, it has been symbolically
important in providing a positive atmosphere prior to the
visit. In specifics, the mention of India by Foreign
Minister Yang Jiechi in the theoretical organ of the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee “Qiushi”
(‘Seeking Truth’, Chinese, 1 January 2008), stands out. Yang
has highly evaluated the rise of newly emerging powers like
India, Brazil etc, as the main motivating forces for the
world economic growth. That was followed by similar comments
from General Xiong Guangkai, former Chief of Military
Intelligence and now Chairman of the China Institute of
International Strategic Studies (CIISS), in the journal of
the CCP Central Party School “Study Times” (7 January 2008).
He named China, Russia, India and Brazil, all ‘developing
countries’, for their increasing roles in the world economic
structure with their collective economic output reaching the
level of 15% of the world economy.
Secondly,
analysing the significance of Indian Prime Minister’s visit,
the CIISS ‘online’ edition (Chinese, 7 January 2008), quoted
in detail what Professor Fu Xiaoqiang told the People’s
Daily-affiliated Global Times. The scholar, belonging to the
Ministry of State Security – affiliated China Institute for
Contemporary International Relations (CICIR), assessed that
the visit would lead to regularisation of bilateral
high-level visits and that the two prime ministers, would be
able to exchange views on a fresh plan concerning the future
directions of Beijing- New Delhi relations. He expressed
confidence that the visit would have a healthy impact on
removing the lack of trust on matters of security and
military, prevailing in bilateral ties.
Admitting
that the trilateral China-India-Pakistan relations remain a
factor in Sino-Indian ties, Prof. Fu stated that China
couldn’t afford to ‘sabotage’ its long-term and close
relations with Pakistan, for the sake of improving relations
with India. The vice-versa would also hold good for China.
He then pointed out that this position of China is being
understood by India and in the last two years, New Delhi’s
approach to China- Pakistan relations has become more
‘realistic’.
Referring to
the Sino-Indian border issue, Prof. Fu commented that there
can be no short-term solution for it, which stand appears
somewhat in contrast to the upbeat note in the statement of
the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson (11 January 2008)
that after the meetings between special representatives of
the two sides, China and India have much in common, despite
differences. The scholar’s position also varies with that of
the Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson (8 January, 2008)
that the border negotiations have been positive and that
‘important progress’ has been achieved over the past years
with both the sides showing ‘positive, political
willingness’.
Professor
Fu’s another notable remark has been that the existence of
the border problem is not going to affect Sino-Indian
relations. This may reflect CCP General Secretary and the
PRC President Hu Jintao’s thinking that border issues have
become irrelevant to China’s foreign policy. Thus, he made
no mention of border conflicts in his political report to
the very recent Party Congress, deviating from the line of
his predecessor Jiang Zemin who in the CCP Congress (2002)
referred to border disputes (also religious conflicts) as
affecting China’s foreign policy. Also in the view of the
scholar, for finding a final solution to the border issue,
the wisdom of Indian and Chinese leaderships will be put to
test. China-India mutual beneficial cooperation, which is
gathering momentum in various fields like international
affairs, economy and trade and security, will lead to
creation of mutual trust, which would in turn create
conditions conducive to the evolvement of a ‘new thinking’
towards solving the boundary question.
The pre-visit
atmosphere in China is however not free from materials,
critical of India. The Bulletin Board of the CIISS (7
January, 2008) carried remarks of a contributor who found
that India is viewing the completion of the Qinghai - Tibet
railway as resulting in a shift of the strategic balance in
the Sino-Indian border in favour of China. The Tibet issue
is also a key factor in Sino-Indian relations, as New Delhi
wants to change Tibet into its ‘buffer zone’. The unnamed
writer then revealed what the Chinese representative told
recently in the new round of India-China border talks- “the
Chinese government would protect the Chinese territory and
will not hesitate to take all measures needed in this
regard”. The writer added that this has been the first
occasion for China to take a hard-line position against
India in the border negotiations, indicating that ‘China has
already completed its strategic preparedness to defend its
territory, even to fight a second war with India’.
Admittedly, the views are not from the CIISS, which can
claim that the same are from a contributor in his individual
capacity. But, this writer seems to have some authority as
he could reveal confidential information on border
negotiations. Is it a deliberate a leak by China intended
to convey a message to the Chinese population that the
government will not make any compromise on the Sino-Indian
border issue?
The comments
above, coming from the authoritative Chinese media and
scholars, can unmistakably be considered as inputs to the
foreign policy making in the PRC. Herein lies their
importance. In this context, it would be important for New
Delhi to factor the message being given by China through its
analysts, in its policy towards Beijing - bilateral ties
could be improved without waiting for a border solution
which may take a long time. India should not miss the
parallels in this regard as “ Seeking common ground, while
shelving the disputes”, remains the PRC’s formulae in
respect of China’s disputes relating to South China Sea
Islands, Japan etc. Deserving India’s attention is another
signal from Beijing that its ties with Islamabad would
continue to be important, irrespective of the Sino-Indian
bonhomie. The border and Sino-Pakistan nexus remain most
serious problems in Sino-Indian relations. The
pronouncements as given above, have on the other hand given
an indication that Beijing may not be in a position for a
long time to adequately address India’s sensitivities on the
two issues. Realisation of a Sino-Indian strategic
cooperative partnership in a full sense would therefore
appear a difficult task under such circumstances.
(The writer, Mr. D .S. Rajan, is
Director, Chennai Centre for China Studies. Email:
dsrajan@gmail.com)