Pak Taliban More Than A
Match For The Army - International Terrorism
Monitor---Paper No. 540
By B. Raman
The Tehrik-e-Taliban
Pakistan (TTP) headed by Baitullah Mehsud
and its various constituent units in
different sub-tribal areas headed by local
sub-tribal chiefs have proved themselves to
be more than a match for the Pakistan Army
as it struggles to cope with a spreading arc
of Taliban presence and operations right
across the Pashtun tribal belt and with its
undamaged ability to hit beyond the
frontlines in cities and cantonments located
in non-tribal areas whenever it wants.
2. Widespread Pashtun
anger against the US and the Pakistani
military continues to be the main motivating
force of the TTP. There are no signs----at
least not yet--- that feelings of Pashtun
nationalism influence the TTP's operations.
The TTP sees itself more as a Pashtun self-defence
movement to protect the Pashtuns against
attempts to change their way of life by the
Pakistani authorities allegedly at the
instance of the US. The TTP asserts the
right of the Pashtuns to have their lives
and criminal justice system regulated by the
Sharia if they so desire without being
dictated to on this subject by non-Pashtun
elements. It also asserts the right of the
Pashtuns to govern themselves according to
their tribal and sub-tribal customs without
interference by Pakistani civil servants and
military officers. It wants the tribes and
the sub-tribes to be left alone to manage
their affairs in their territory as they
please without any interference from
Islamabad. It strongly adheres to traditions
of Pashtun solidarity wherever they are
located in Pakistan or Afghanistan and
traditions of Pashtun hospitality to their
guests----even if such guests be the Arabs
of Al Qaeda. While it accepts the right of
any Muslim---Pashtun or non-Pashtun, Arab or
non-Arab--- to take shelter in Pashtun
territory if they are faced with danger from
non-Muslims, it rejects any role for
non-Muslims----whether American or
non-American---in Pashtun territory.
3. It looks upon the
post-9/11 operations of the US against Al
Qaeda and the Afghan Taliban, with the
assistance of Pakistan, as an attempt to
advance a non-Muslim and a non-Pashtun
agenda in the Pashtun areas. The fact that
there has been hardly any Pashtun input from
Pakistan into the formulation of the
so-called Af-Pak strategy of the Obama
Administration has made its strategy
strongly suspect in the TTP's eyes.
4. While the TTP
enjoys a growing measure of support among
the tribes and sub-tribes of the
Federally-Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)
and the Malakand Division of the North-West
Frontier Province (NWFP), its support base
in the rest of the NWFP and in the large
Pashtun community of Karachi, which has
reportedly even more Pashtuns than Peshawar,
continues to be thin because of the strong
influence of the progressive Awami National
Party (ANP) in those areas. The US policy
towards the Pashtuns, which tends to be
influenced by Pakistani experts such as
Ahmed Rashid, who seek more the applause of
American audiences than of the Pashtun
populace, has not had the benefit of the
intellectual inputs of the sons of the
Pashtun soil, who understand the feelings of
their fellow Pashtuns better than experts
like Ahmed Rashid, who look at the Pashtun
problem more from the geostrategic aspect
than from the angle of Pashtun
self-respect.
5. Next to the
Punjabis, the Pashtuns have always
contributed since the birth of Pakistan in
1947 a large number of soldiers and officers
to the Pakistan Army (about 20 per cent
plus). The FATA and the Malakand Division of
the NWFP have a large number of trained and
experienced ex-servicemen. It would not be
an exaggeration to say that there is hardly
a Pashtun family in the FATA, which does not
have an ex-serviceman among its members.
Taking advantage of the failure of the
Pakistan Army to look after these
ex-servicemen and keep them on its side, the
TTP has managed to mobilise many of them and
has been using their services not only for
training its cadres but also for the
execution of its operations.
7. While young new
recruits have been in the forefront of its
suicide operations in the non-tribal and
tribal areas, the ex-servicemen have been
playing an important role in its
conventional military operations and in its
guerilla strikes. The TTP has a more
comprehensive and well thought-out strategy
for countering the Pakistan Army than the
Army has for countering the TTP. The TTP has
been using a good repertoire of militaty and
sub-military tactics--- ambushes, frontal
attacks, diversionary strikes and suicide
terrorism--- in its fight against the Army.
After having got the Army bogged down in
certain parts of the Swat Valley, it has
spread its diversionary attacks to the
Bajaur Agency, the Kurram Agency and North
Waziristan. It has tried to pre-empt an
expected military strike in South
Waziristan, the stronghold of the Mehsuds,
by further activating the fighting in the
Kurram and North Waziristan Agencies. It has
prevented the diversion of Pakistani Army
reinforcements to South Waziristan from Swat
by fresh movements and attacks in the Swat
Valley. Even Richard Holbrooke, the US
special envoy for the Pakistan-Afghanistan
region, has conceded that claims of a
Pakistani victory in Swat could be
premature.
8. The coherent
strategy of the TTP has not been matched by
an equally coherent one of Gen. Ashfaq
Pervez Kayani, the Chief of the Army Staff (COAS)
of Pakistan. He has been struggling to
counter the co-ordinated strategy of the TTP
with a bits and pieces strategy depending on
where the pressure from the TTP comes from.
Today in Swat, tomorrow in Bajaur, the day
after in South Waziristan, then in Kurram
and North Waziristan---so it goes. There is
no proactive element in his strategy. He is
fire-fighting and not waging a pro-active
war of attrition against the TTP. The
Pakistan Army has been suffering a lot of
attrition.
9. Unless and until
there is a re-thinking on the strategy
imparting to it greater coherence, the
Pakistan Army may not be able to make a
quick headway in its operations against the
TTP.
(The writer
is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet
Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and,
presently, Director, Institute For Topical
Studies, Chennai. E-mail:
seventyone2@gmail.com)