INDIA-CHINA: Need for Fresh Thinking
By B. Raman
There are welcome
indicators of some fresh-thinking in New
Delhi on India's relations with China. This
fresh-thinking has been reflected in the
decision of the Goverment of India to bring
on record its unhappiness and concern over
the Chinese involvement in the construction
or upgradation of some infrastructure
projects in the disputed territory of
Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK), including
the Northern Areas of Jammu & Kashmir (Gilgit
& Baltistan). The Chinese, who had earlier
helped Pakistan in the construction of the
Karakoram Highway connecting Pakistan's
Punjab with the Xinjiang province of China
through Kashmiri territory occupied by
Pakistan, are now helping it in its
upgradation. They have also agreed to help
Pakistan in the construction of a hydel
project in the Kashmiri territory occupied
by Pakistan.A feasibility study has been
undertaken by Pakistan for the construction
of a railway line, with Chinese assistance,
to connect the Chinese-constructed port of
Gwadar on the Mekran coast of Balochistan
with Xinjiang through Pakistan-occupied
Kashmiri territory.
2. The Chinese action
in helping Pakistan in integrating with
Pakistan, territory which does not legally
belong to Pakistan, amounts to an unfriendly
act to India and is detrimental to India's
territorial integrity. India was within its
rights to have protested and expressed its
unhappiness over the Chinese actions, which
are contrary to its professions of
friendship and goodwill for India. Our past
hesitation to bring on record our protests
over such Chinese actions has encouraged the
Chinese into thinking that they could do
anything vis-a-vis India, without provoking
any protest from New Delhi. Our protests may
not make the Chinese stop their
participation in these projects, but it has
to be made clear to Beijing that such
Chinese actions in disregard of Indian
sensitivities could come in the way of
further development of the bilateral
relations. Beijing should be made to realise
that it cannot be business as usual between
the two countries if it continues to
disregard Indian interests and
sensitivities.
3. Another welcome
indicator of re-thinking relates to Chinese
construction companies, which have won
contracts in India and which have been
bringing a large number of Chinese
workers---skilled and unskilled--- to work
in their projects in India without employing
Indian workers and engineers. This is a
practice which Chinese companies have been
following in African countries where there
is a severe shortage of manpower, but there
is no such shortage in India. It has been
reported that the Government of India has
taken a decision or is about to take a
decision not to issue work visas to
unskilled Chinese workers. Even in respect
of skilled workers, the issue of work visas
should be more an exception than the rule.
Work visas should be issued only in those
cases where the Chinese companies can
demonstrate that recruits in certain skills
are not available in India. There are
hundreds of Western, Japanese, South Korean
and South-East Asian companies which win
contracts in India. They don't bring their
own labour from their countries. They employ
local labour. If the Chinese executives are
not able to manage with Indian labour
because of their inability to communicate
with the Indians in English, they should not
bid for contracts in India.
4. There is also a need
for a fresh look into our past decisions to
allow Chinese companies in sensitive fields
such as telecommunications to operate in
India as collaborators of Indian companies
for expanding our telecommunications
network. In view of the increasingly hostile
attitude being taken by the Government and
party-controlled media in China towards
India, the time has come to re-consider
these decisions. It would be unwise to allow
a Chinese presence in sensitive fields such
as telecommunications at a time when Chinese
media such as the "Global Times" (October
14), which is controlled by the Chinese
Communist Party, has started threatening
India with "dangerous consequences" if it
does not concede the Chinese point of view
on Arunachal Pradesh. India should not
accept threatening language from
China---whether it be from the Government or
from the Government and party-controlled
media.
5. The Government of
India should also re-consider its attitude
towards His Holiness the Dalai Lama. He and
thousands of his Tibetan followers have been
our honoured guests for fifty years. We
respect him as a Buddhist leader. Their
welfare is our responsibility. Till now, in
deference to Chinese sensitivities,
successive Prime Ministers have been
avoiding meeting His Holiness even on
occasions such as the Indian festival of
Diwali. We do not give him an opportunity to
meet Indian leaders to discuss the problems
and welfare of the Tibetan refugees. A
couple of years ago,a function was held in
New Delhi to facilitate His Holiness on the
award to him of the US Congressional Medal
of Honour. At that time, in an unwise and
unwarranted move, the then Cabinet Secretary
of the Government of India was reported to
have advised the Cabinet members to keep
away from the function. This policy has to
change. The Prime Minister should meet His
Holiness from time to time in New Delhi as
well as Dharamsala to discuss about the
welfare of the Tibetan refugees.
6. Sino-Indian
relations have steadily improved since the
visit of the then Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi to China in 1988 and his meeting with
Deng Xiao-ping. Credit should go to Deng for
laying the foundation for this improvement
despite the pending border dispute. This
improvement continued under President Jiang
Zemin. India reciprocated the Chinese desire
for better bilateral relations in spite of
its unhappiness and concern over the Chinese
actions in giving military nuclear and
missile capabilities to Pakistan, which
wanted them for possible use against India.
7. Ever since Hu Jintao,
who won his spurs as a political leader in
Tibet, assumed charge as the President the
policies of Deng and Jiang have been slowly
sought to be reversed---- under pressure
from the People's Liberation Army (PLA) and
the hawkish elements in the party. The
recent anti-India editorials in the
party-controlled " Global Times" and "
People's Daily" on October 14 are indicators
of anti- India and pro-Pakistan hawks in the
party once again influencing the Chinese
policy towards India and seeking to reverse
the progress made under Deng and Jiang. We
have to take note of this and re-fashion our
policies accordingly.
8. India and China cannot afford a military
conflict or confrontation or even sporadic
trans-border incidents. It will damage their
aspirations of a better life for their
people and a more important role for their
countries in the international stage.
Misperceptions and misunderstandings over
the border issue need to be handled
delicately and sought to be removed by
continuing the policy of engagement at the
official and political levels. A war of
words and hysteria and a tendency to
demonise each other should be avoided. The
gains made so far should be preserved. At
the same time, we should not hesitate to
articulate our core interests and adhere to
them firmly even while trying to strengthen
the bilateral relations.
(The writer
is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet
Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and,
presently, Director, Institute For Topical
Studies, Chennai. He is also associated with
the Chennai Centre For China Studies.
E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com)