With the expected noise,
both positive and negative over Prime
Minister Sk. Hasina’s visit (Jan.10-13)
reducing in decibels, it is time to take a
calm look at the complex India-Bangladesh
relations. It is a
unique relationship steeped
in history, nostalgia, religious ideology,
and a substantial amount of disagreement.
A powerful section of Bangladesh’s political
milieu is married to the “doctrine of hate
India” and do not
realise
how much it hurts the
country’s growth and development.
It was unfortunate and in
bad taste, that a small section of the
anti-India media tried to spread the canard
that Prime Minister Sk. Hasina will be
insulted in India. It was said that Prime
Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh would not meet
her, and only some Indian Minister will
conduct the talks with her. Following the
visit, the same media group, embarrassed but
not to be deterred, wrote that their Prime
Minister was slighted as Dr. Manmohan Singh
did not receive her at the airport.
What this right-wing
media group did not know that according to
international diplomatic protocol, the
visiting dignitary is received by a
Minister-in-waiting. The visit officially
starts with the welcome ceremony at the
Rashtrapati Bhawan, with the Indian Prime
Minister welcoming the dignitary. Sk. Hasina
was given a full red carpet reception in
India.
This kind of reporting is
not done by an uninitiated reporter or a
mischievous editor, but a well planned
strategy of the political party that runs
the media. The vernacular media has a
greater readership among the common people
and creating a negative image of India and
Sk. Hasina, at least among those who have
been saturated with such propaganda, is not
very difficult.
There is no prize for
guessing this identity of the political
party behind these stories. It is the
Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI). All its leaders were
involved in the rape and killing of
Bangladeshis on behalf of the Pakistani
occupation army during the 1971 war of
liberation. The party’s erstwhile amir,
Gulam Azam, had his citizenship revoked
after the war and was in exile. He was
rehabilitated only after Sk. Mujibur Rahman,
the liberation leader of Bangladesh, was
assassinated by a group of army officers in
August 1975. The current amir of the JEI,
Matuir Rehman Nizami, has his name listed
among top war criminals of 1971. The war
criminal case is expected to come up in the
next few months.
The JEI and a small
assortment of Islamic parties were the
Gestapo of the Pakistani army. They continue
to be Pakistanis main extension in
Bangladesh. Circumstantial evidence seem to
exist that the JEI was involved in
Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) revolt in February,
2009 at the behest of Pakistan.
The Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP) was formed in 1978
by late President Gen. Zia-ur-Reheman, who
was also assassinated in a failed coup in
1981. Zia-ur-Reheman’s credentials as a
liberation war hero has been questioned. He
and his supporters manipulated the truth to
try and establish that it was he and not Sk.
Mujibur Rahman, who declared independence of
Bangladesh. His clever moves after Sk.
Mujib’s death to quickly become the Chief
Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) in
November, 1975 and President in April 1977,
are testimony to his politics. On the way,
he killed and murdered people, even those
who helped him. He rehabilitated the JEI in
1978 as a political party.
The Awami League was not
allowed to resume its political activities
till Zia consolidated his position and
formed the BNP. The newly formed BNP
inducted quite a few pro-China and
anti-India elements, and conspired to derail
relations with India. A friendly Pakistan
was control to the BNP’s agenda.
Following Zia death, his
widow Begum Khaleda Zia took over the
leadership of BNP, not an unknown phenomenon
in developing countries. Khaleda Zia is a
product of the Pakistani cantonments, and is
alleged to have had rather intimate relation
with them.
It is, therefore, not a
surprise that the BNP and the JEI entered
into a strong alliance in Bangladesh
politics, and the BNP-JEI led four-party
alliance during their governance (2001-2006)
sought every excuse to distort relations
with India. This included alliance with
Pakistan’s ISI to launch terrorist attacks
on India from the Bangladeshi soil,
harbouring and aiding Indian insurgents like
the ULFA, NSCN (I/M) and the Manipur and
Bodo groups. They helped Islamic terrorism
to take roots in Bangladesh without a
thought that these elements would eventually
devastate Bangladesh itself. A
Bangladesh-Pakistan-China intelligence
co-operation was agreed upon in late 2005 to
run operations in India.
As a foot-note, it may be
recalled that Pakistan established diplomatic
relations with Bangladesh only after Sk.
Mujib’s assassination. And China established
diplomatic relations with Bangladesh only
after Pakistan did. The Pakistan-China
alliance in Bangladesh vis-a-vis India
remains a strong, but not necessarily as
active, after the Awami League formed the
government in 2009, January.
The ground reality:
The
ethnic commonality between India and
Bangladesh in terms of language, art and
culture and even genetics, is historical.
This despite the extremists trying to deny
history. India was involved in 1971. The two
countries have a 4000 km border with India
surrounding Bangladesh on three sides. But
the converse is true, as BNP-JEI
government Foreign Minister Morshed Khan
had said, meaning Bangladesh could make life
in India miserable.
The fact: Given the
geographical configuration of India and
Bangladesh, positive co-existence between
the two countries will be ultimately
inevitable.
Unconditional love or
visceral hatred are both counter-productive
in relations between two countries. There
are problems between the US and Canada, and
between time tested allies Pakistan and
China. What is required is mutual respect.
There is need to recognize mutual interests
and equality in the interest of peace,
stability and development.
In the first three
decades since Sk. Mujib’s assassination both
sides made some serious mistakes. It can
hardly be said India’s Bangladesh diplomacy
was ideal. Far from it, there was a tinge of
arrogance of a big country, and emotional
reactions. There was a deep sense of hurt
that Bangladesh was ungrateful. After all,
India had hosted ten million Bangladeshi
refugees, around three thousand Indian
soldiers had given their lives to help
liberate Bangladesh, and India had risked
war with the most powerful countries in the
world – the USA.
That was misplaced
diplomacy on India’s part, given the
peculiarity of connections between the two
countries. On the other hand, Prime Minister
I.K. Gujral’s diplomatic direction tended to
be giving away too much in the face of
Bangladeshi obduracy.
India was too pleasant
during the BNP-JEI rule. The philosophy was
India will give and “hope” Bangladesh would
reciprocate. From the beginning it was
evident this policy would not work. It did
not. The picture of an Indian Border
Security Force (BSF) officer abducted from
the Indian territory by the BDR, tortured
and killed, and then strung up on a pole by
Bangladeshi villagers like an animal, was a
kick in India’s face. This photograph was
carried by several Bangladeshi newspapers.
Indian diplomacy floundered. There was no
reciprocal action. India was seen as a
frozen soft state.
It would be a mistake to
underestimate the opposition in Bangladesh.
Although the BNP and JEI were almost wiped
out in the last general elections. The votes
polled suggest they have significant support
spread over the country. Seats won and
support polled are two different things. The
latter signifies the intrinsic strength of a
political group or ideology. Both India and
the Bangladesh governments should be
cognizant of this empirical statistics.
The situation, however,
is that Sk. Hasina and her government have
decided on a path of co-operative action.
After experimenting on different options of
alignments, Sk. Hasina appears to have come
to the conclusion that if Bangladesh has to
develop as an independent secular democracy,
certain strong decisions have to be taken.
One of the first promises she made after
getting elected was eradication of
terrorism. She proposed a South Asian model.
Not stated in words, India was the partner.
Sk. Hasina has been delivering on her
promise.
It took Prime Minister
Hasina one full year before she visited her
closest neighbour, India. She used the year
to interact with many world leaders
including Pakistan’s Prime Minister Yusuf
Raja Gilani. After India, she has already
announced her plans to visit China when a
number of bilateral issues in the economic
area will be discussed and agreed upon.
An important issue to be
discussed in China is the old BNP-JEI
efforts to give China road access to China
to the Chittagong port. The fly in the
ointment is Myanmar (Burma) which has not
agreed to allow this access through its
territory. While the Chinese have a long
term plan to set up a port in Chittagong, or
more preferably in Kutubdia (deep sea)
as it has done in Gwadar, Pakistan,
Myanmar has its own strategic and security
concerns. A Chinese controlled port in
Bangladesh has military strategic agenda.
The BNP-JEI coalition wanted this Chinese
built port to complement the Gwadar port, to
hold India in a Chinese pincer move in the
Indian Ocean to circumvate India. The
present Bangladeshi government should be
aware of this.
Bangladesh must have its
own international relationship for all round
development. Independence, development, and
security must be upper most in its
calculations. Climate change can be one of
its worst enemies, and it will need strong
assistance from the international community
and its neighbours.
On return from India,
Prime Minister Sk. Hasina emphasised that
the visit, and the agreements and MOUs were
a “100 percent success”. Her opposition
dubbed the visit a total failure, abject
surrender to India, and threatening the
security and sovereignty of the country.
The Bangladeshi
opposition has exposed itself as a myopic
section willing to spite India at the cost
of self-destruction. This, of course, is a
trait of those who are blindly seeped in
destructive ideology. Otherwise, why would
they have given space to the Al Qaeda,
Islamic terrorists and, even, Dawood Ibrahim.
It is, therefore, no
wonder that a string of seminars and
newspaper writings continue to dwell on Sk.
Hasina’s India initiative. It is equally
exhilarating to see seminars and newspaper
writing’s supporting Sk. Hasina’s
initiative. A healthy debate would be
welcome. But the opposition line appears
deeply deceased.
Of course, Bangladesh
must evaluate its core interests and values,
not be delirious about a particular
neighbour, and act upon inclusive relations
with countries of interest. The US and
European Union form one quadrant, Russia and
Central Asian countries another, and the
Islamic countries as a third. But the South
Asian neighbourhood is of primary importance
in eradication of terrorism and
obscurantism.
One of the understanding
reached during Sk. Hasina’s India visit is
the land connectivity between Bangladesh,
and Nepal and Bhutan for trade and
export/import for these two land
locked
countries through Bangladeshi ports. It will
earn Bangladesh much needed revenue. With
Indian access to Chittagong port alone, the
earning would be to the tune of one billion
dollars to start with. One can just imagine
the development of Chittagong and Khulna
(through Mongla port) that will accrue
through such facilities. Most importantly,
it will evolve a South Asian quadrangular
development paradigm that can eventually
expand into a larger sector through this
Asian Highway project.
The opposition naysayers
have only demonstrated a regressive agenda.
One, they say access to India to the
Chittagong port will jeopardise the
country’s security, and the Ready Made
Garment (RMG) manufacturers of North-East
India will debilitate Bangladesh’s RMG
industry.
The opposition also
asserts that transit facility to India to
its North-East will ease transit for Indian
military to that region to counter
insurgents like the ULFA. They see this as
detrimental to Bangladesh’s interests as all
anti-India forces need to be supported. That
is, force wanting to break up India must be
encouraged and helped. This is exactly the
Pakistan army’s agenda.
They also militate
against India-Bangladesh cultural agreement
as cultural invasion from India. This is
basically the West Bengal culture they are
up against, as Rabindranath Tagore has been
nurtured more in Bangladesh than in India.
Most agreements and MOUs
arrived at during Sk. Hasina’s visit will
expectedly go through. The opposition has
declared their rights to cancel all the
agreement if and when they come to power.
But as Sk. Hasina said in her press
conference in New Delhi, if the common man
benefits from these agreements then no one
will be able to negate them.
Leaving aside the
security agreements between the two
countries, India must accelerate the
implementations of the people friendly
agreements. It was good that another 47
items of import from Bangladesh were put on
zero tariff list. But there is much more to
do in the economic and commerce area.
It is imperative for the
concerned Indian ministries to understand
that dealing with Bangladesh is a larger
strategic issue and not a commercial one.
Today, India is in a position to give
Bangladesh a “friendship deal”. This is a
moral obligation for India, and must be
viewed in the context of co-operation, peace
and development in South Asia.
Then there are high
profile issues like river waters sharing,
maritime boundary, and killing of
Bangladeshis (mostly petty smugglers) by the
BSF.
On the first two issues,
India has made a beginning reopening
discussions. Bangladesh wants free flow of
river waters for sheer existence. This needs
to be approached from a long term
perspective related to India security at
this end.
Imagine the scenario.
Restrictions on river water flows can result
in large arid zones in Bangladesh. Rise in
sea level may encompass around 20 to 25
percent of Bangladesh’s lands in the next
twenty to thirty years. Where will these
displaced population go? Only to India.
There is an urgent need
for India to help Bangladesh’s economy to
develop to the extent it can engage its
growing population at home. On the other
hand, India has to help Bangladesh on water
conservancy and agriculture. This is to help
India as much as to help Bangladesh.
The BSF, may be trying to
avenge past sins against it, seeking
retribution. In the last 13 months, the
force has killed 93 Bangladeshi along the
border, whatever their descriptions may be,
and reported regularly on the Bangladeshi
media, this is giving India a terrible
profile among the people of Bangladesh and
an easy fodder for India baiters.
On the cultural side much
more access must be given to Bangladeshi
films and television. Till now, it has been
one sided in favour of the Indian producers.
The importance of the cultural issue must be
well understood in India. Bangladeshis are
emotional and sensitive on culture, a major
issue in the fall out with Pakistan.
It must be well
understood that Sk. Hasina and her
government are fighting against heavy odds.
They must be supported in their struggle.
Bangladesh is a special case and must be
handled accordingly. India runs in the blood
of Bangladesh, positive and negative.