Paper no.
3692
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26-Feb-2010
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INDIA-PAKISTAN: What Next?
By B. Raman
At the end of her talks with Mr. Salman
Bashir, her Pakistani counterpart, at New
Delhi on February 25, 2010, Mrs. Nirupama
Rao, the Indian Foreign Secretary, projected
the initiative taken by India in proposing
this meeting as meant to reduce the
post-26/11 trust deficit between the two
countries as a prelude to a wider dialogue
at different levels on the various
contentious issues----though not necessarily
in the form of a reversion to the composite
dialogue process to which Pakistan continues
to be attached.
2. Her projection was positive and sought to
convey two messages to the Indian audience
whom she was addressing. Firstly, India had
kept the focus of the meeting largely on
terrorism. There were references to other
issues such as Kashmir, the river waters,
Pakistani allegations relating to
Balochistan etc by the Pakistani Foreign
Secretary, but these references did not
detract from the fact that it was a meeting
largely about India's expectations of
Pakistani action against terrorism.
Secondly, the meeting was the beginning of a
process of re-building the trust between
the two countries and she kept open the
possibility of more such meetings to follow
before there was a resumption of formal
negotiations between the two countries.
3. This positive picture which emerged from
her media briefing was damaged by the media
briefing by Mr. Bashir in the Pakistani High
Commission, which followed about two hours
after her briefing. He and his Government in
Islamabad knew by then the way India sought
to project the meeting to its own people and
to the international community and they were
under an understandable compulsion to
convince their people that India had not
succeeded in keeping the focus of the
meeting largely on terrorism as the Indian
Foreign Secretary had claimed and that
Pakistan had succeeded in giving the meeting
a much larger content by raising various
other issues.
4. In his understandable attempt to convince
his own people that Pakistan had frustrated
Indian attempts to keep the meeting confined
to a single-issue agenda, Mr.Bashir used
language, which was often sarcastic and
dismissive and devoid of the politeness and
diplomatic finesse which characterised Mrs.
Rao's media interaction throughout. He
showed a lack of sensitivity to India's
concerns on terrorism-related issues except
its concern regarding Pakistani action
against the Pakistan-based conspirators of
the 26/11 terrorist strikes. His media
briefing gave an unmistakable impression
that while Pakistan was somewhat serious
about action against the 26/11 conspirators
in Pakistan, it was not prepared to consider
other Indian demands relating to action
against Hafeez Mohammad Sayeed, the Amir of
the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LET), and the
Pakistan-based terrorist infrastructure
directed against India. Action in specific
cases such as the 26/11 terrorist strikes,
yes, but action against the terrorist
infrastructure, no. That was his clear
message.
5. The kind of language used by Mr.Bashir
and his ridiculing of many of Indian
concerns relating to terrorism have given
rise to two questions----Was the meeting
worthwhile? Is it necessary to follow it up
with more such meetings as India had
intended?
6. Mr. Bashir's actions are bound to
strengthen the arguments of the skeptics in
India who believe in the futility of any
dialogue with Pakistan and embarrass those
who are arguing otherwise. Instead of
contributing to a reduction of the trust
deficit, he has strengthened it. The
resulting dilemma could be attributed to the
over-haste with which the initiative for the
meeting was pushed through by the Government
of India without wider consultations at the
inter and intra-party levels and the failure
to work for a certain convergence with
Islamabad before the meeting on its format,
agenda and the briefing of the media in the
two countries even if it was not intended to
issue a joint statement.
7. What we had was one meeting, two agendas,
two media briefings disseminating two
contradictory versions of what transpired
and more confusion and distruct after the
meeting than there was before it.
8. What are the lessons from the unfortunate
experience? Lesson No.1: While anxiety for a
dialogue with an adversary such as Pakistan
is understandable, over-anxiety for a
dialogue and over-haste in organising it
could be counter-productive. Lesson No.2:
Any meeting at any level---political or
bureaucratic--- which is not preceded by
careful preparations could prove a
meaningless exercise.
9. In spite of what happened at New Delhi on
February 25, 2010, Mr. P. Chidambaram, our
Home Minister, should go ahead with his
visit to Islamabad next month to attend the
SAARC Home Ministers' conference and his
discussions with Mr. Rehman Malik, his
Pakistani counterpart, in the margins of the
conference to work out a modicum of a
mechanism for mutual legal assistance in all
criminal cases, including those relating to
terrorism. If he succeeds, that could pave
the way for a fruitful visit by our Foreign
Secretary to Pakistan in response to the
invitation extended by Mr. Bashir.
10. In the meanwhile, it is important for
Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh to
initiate a process of wider political
consultations on our relations with Pakistan
in order to convince other political parties
that the Government would not sacrifice our
core concerns on Pakistan's continued use of
terrorism against India to force a change in
the status quo in Kashmir while re-starting
the dialogue process. His tendency to
maintain unwarranted secrecy in such matters
and his habit of avoiding wider
consultations continue to give rise to an
impression that American interests and
perceptions are playing a larger than
desirable role in influencing our policies
vis-a-vis Pakistan.
(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd),
Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New
Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute
For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail:
seventyone2@gmail.com)
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