Chinese Concerns over North Korea & Vietnam
By B. Raman
What is the US up to in North Korea and
Vietnam? That is the most worrying question
for Beijing today and not the question, what
is the US up to in India. There is very
little excitement and there are very few
signs of concern in political and military
circles in Beijing and in the community of
Chinese analysts over the forthcoming visit
of President Barack Obama to India in
November. In contrast, every US move
relating to North Korea and Vietnam and even
the visits of junior US officials to Vietnam
are being closely monitored and analysed.
2. Is the US trying to use North Korea and
Vietnam not only to counter the emergence of
China as a major military power in the
Pacific, but also to weaken China
politically in the same way as the US used
China against the USSR? Are the US and
South Korea acting jointly to bring about a
regime change in North Korea and encourage
the emergence of a new leadership that would
be favourable to the US interests? Can China
count on the loyalty to China of a new
regime in Pyongyang if Kim Jong-il is
succeeded --- as he is expected to be---by
his youngest son Kim Jong-Un? What would be
the attitude of the North Korean military
leadership if a new regime in Pyongyang
wants to move closer to the US? Its attitude
would be very important because in the early
stages of a new leadership, the North Korean
Army's role in policy-making would be
important.
3. These are the questions worrying Beijing
in an increasing measure. The Chinese
concerns over the question "What next, after
Kim Jong-il?" are reflected in the fact that
Kim Jong-il, who had visited China only a
few weeks ago, is reportedly again on an
unpublicised visit----this time with his
youngest son and expected successor--- to
China. Is the visit meant to reassure
Beijing that it has nothing to fear from his
son?
4. The increasing bonhomie between
Washington and Hanoi is another issue of
immediate concern to China. How should
China counter this---- by increasing
pressure on Hanoi or by making overtures to
it? How to counter the openly-proclaimed US
assertiveness in the South China Sea? What
to make of the lack of concern in the
South-East Asian countries over the US
assertiveness? Is there already a secret
understanding between the US on the one side
and Vietnam and the Philippines on the other
to counter Chinese designs in the area?
5. The way Beijing has been trying to bully
Manila over its mishandling of the bus
hijacking incident in which eight Chinese
tourists from Hong Kong died on August 23,
2010, stands in sharp contrast to China's
refraining from any criticism of Pakistan
after the attacks on some Chinese nationals
by the Pakistani Taliban after the raid by
the Pakistan Army into the Lal Masjid of
Islamabad in July 2007. In Pakistan too,
there have been instances of Chinese
engineers being taken hostages by different
terrorist groups. The Chinese showed
understanding of the difficulties faced by
the Pakistani security forces and avoided
any open criticism.
6. In Manila, it was not an act of
terrorism. It was an irrational act of a
dismissed police officer, who wanted his job
back. The situation was definitely
mishandled by the police. The Chinese
over-reaction to the incident should be of
concern to Manila. Whereas Beijing never
issued an advisory to its nationals not to
visit Pakistan, it has advised its nationals
not to visit the Philippines. The Chinese
never claimed a right to monitor the
Pakistani enquiries into the incidents, but
they are claiming a right to monitor the
investigation in Manila.
7. Is the evident Chinese bullying of Manila
an outcome of its unhappiness over the
assertive policy of the Filippino Government
in the South China Sea and its perceived
support of the US assertiveness?
8. These are questions which need to be
closely studied in the coming weeks and
months. Two significant writings having a
bearing on Chinese concerns over North Korea
and Vietnam carried by the Party controlled
"Global Times" are annexed.
(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd),
Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New
Delhi , and presently, Director, Institute
For Topical Studies, Chennai, and Associate
of the Chennai Centre for China Studies.
E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com)
ANNEXURE
US-S.Korea drill aimed at fall of North
Editorial carried by the "Global Times" on
August 26, 2010
Signs of the ongoing US-South Korea military
drill show that the joint war game is not
simply a warning or a show of force after
the sinking of the Cheonan, nor is it a
deliberate attempt to provoke China in the
Yellow Sea.
China has to be careful of the two allies'
strategic goal, which is to create turmoil
in North Korea in the face of a pending
political power transition.
China must also be wary of the US putting
the entire Korean Peninsula under its
influence.
The two Koreas have been deadlocked for
nearly six decades. Not many people believe
the situation can last forever.
Any change will mean a massive strategic
change of power in Northeast Asia, as well
as a change in the global balance of power.
Washington has made plans in the event of
various scenarios, and has long been trying
to push the situation in the direction that
favors a US global strategy.
To put it simply, the US has never changed
its basic policy toward North Korea, which
is to ensue a regime change.
Although Washington is not openly talking
about the policy, its goal remains to
overthrow the current North Korean
government.
The US-South Korean joint military exercises
are a move to accelerate this momentum. It
is a strategy to push and prepare for
change, and take the initiative if the
regime change really happens.
The controversial sinking of the South
Korean battleship, in retrospect, is more
like a convenient excuse for the US to
conduct a long-planned drill that envisions
the occupation of the North, rather than a
single reaction toward an emergency.
US military leaders have been drawing up
such plans since the end of last year.
The South's unification ministry has also
admitted that the South was practicing a
"stabilization" program aimed at turning
North Koreans into South Korean citizens.
The Korean Peninsula is too important to
ignore in the realm of global geopolitics.
US control of the peninsula will pose a
realistic threat to China and Russia.
North Korean leadership is expected to
change hands soon. The world is watching the
change closely, as North Korea is still not
back to the Six-Party Talks that aim to
persuade it to drop its nuclear weapon
program.
A smooth transition of power in the North is
vital for the stability of Northeast Asia.
China needs to clearly realize this, and try
to play an active role in preserving the
peace on the Korean Peninsula, as well as
look after its own interests.
Shifting Vietnam remains a partner, not a
rival, to China
An article carried by the "Global
Times" on August 25, 2010
By Su Hao
Vietnam has been moving closer to the US
recently, and conflicts between China and
Vietnam in the South China Sea are moving
from potential problems into serious ones.
As it grows its economy, Vietnam is looking
for maritime interests for future
development.
In order to strengthen its role in South
China Sea and gain the power to bargain with
China, Vietnam is in dire need of an
external power that can offer support. The
US is the best source. By chance, the US has
been adjusting its strategy to strengthen
the containment of China in Asia.
But we cannot simply define Vietnam as a
nation that is confronting China due to its
current pro-US tilt in foreign policy. As
neighboring countries, China and Vietnam
have built a strategic partnership and the
bilateral relation is running on a sound
base.
We should make full use of this sound
foundation to enhance and promote the
bilateral relations within a framework of
friendly cooperation.
Facing a Vietnam leaning toward the US, we
should try our best to rebalance its
position. A Vietnam balanced between China
and the US would be in China's ultimate
interests.
In the past, we assumed that China and
Vietnam could stand together to handle
issues with the US because of our similar
political systems. However, the reality
contradicts with the assumption.
Although the US often criticizes Vietnam
over problems of political democracy and
human rights, it is not a big obstacle in
US-Vietnam relations, and cannot prevent
strategic coordination and cooperation
between the two countries.
Vietnam has close economic ties with China.
However, business conflicts go along with
cooperation. In trade between China and
Vietnam, one serious problem is that Vietnam
has the unfavorable trade balance.
Vietnam attributes its slow economic
recovery and development to the abundant
cheap goods imported from China, and
criticizes China for dumping goods into its
market. In order to cater to increasing
public demand and support construction, it
has to import consumer and capital goods
from aboard. And the best supplier is China.
There are structural contradictions between
China and Vietnam. We should try our best to
mitigate them and emphasize mutual needs.
One of the key issues in the national
strategy of Vietnam is to gain the
leadership of ASEAN by promoting regional
integration within the organization. This is
a basic strategic choice of it.
From the perspective of regional
cooperation, Vietnam needs China, since
China plays a prominent role in the process
of ASEAN regional integration, and without
China's support and coordination, the
integration process will be very difficult
to implement.
And from a security perspective, in addition
to the traditional maritime sovereignty
dispute, there are many other complex
security issues that concern both China and
Vietnam, such as non-traditional security
issues.
Although the US is conducting military
exercises with Vietnam in the name of
maritime disaster relief at present, if
there were a disaster at sea, the real and
urgent help provided to Vietnam would be
from China, not the US.
What's more, Vietnam faces the same
challenges of drought and flood as China
does. We could spare our attention to aid it
at the same time solving our own problems.
Vietnam is an agricultural country and the
second largest rice exporter in the world.
Nevertheless, its agriculture is relatively
underdeveloped.
As another agricultural country, China could
provide valuable expertise in intensive
cultivation to Vietnam. Cooperation with
Vietnam in this aspect could be
strengthened.
Vietnam's strategic thinking is based on
challenging China, but has to depend on
China out of real demands, which resulted in
its ambiguous and contorted diplomatic
attitude toward China. We should try to
weaken the confrontation from other aspects.
The South China Sea dispute between China
and the Vietnam is still manageable, and
unlikely to lead to the breakdown of
bilateral relations.
As the largest interested party and the most
influential country in the dispute, as long
as China keep calm, take the initiative and
stick to the established policies to deal
with the issue, the dispute will not grow
beyond our control.
Global Times reporter Yu Jincui compiled
this article, based on an interview with Su
Hao, a professor of diplomacy in China
Foreign Affair University. forum@globaltimes.com.cn