South Asia Analysis Group


Note No. 185

23. 05. 2003

  

home.jpg (6376 bytes)
,

 

 

NEPAL: Passing through a period of uncertainty: Update no. 31

by Dr. S. Chandrasekharan

Political Parties take up the gauntlet:

Having failed to convince the King to take them along, the five political parties ( Koirala’s Nepali Congress, UML, NWPP, NSP and PFN) began the first phase of their mass movement on May 3rd. First was the massive show of strength in a rally at the Tundikhel maidan, addressed by G.P.Koirala and Madhav Nepal besides others. The programme beginning from May 8 to May 13 included a 20 minute long silence on the first day, boycott of all government functions, holding black flag rallies throughout the country, burning effigies of "regression," torch rallies and blocking government vehicles from plying on the streets on the last day.

The demonstrations went off peacefully, though there were stray incidents of violence and police lathi charges. Many of the volunteers courted arrest. The anger of the political parties was mainly directed towards the King. Both Madhav Nepal and G.P.Koirala were severely critical of the King.

Statements like " A nation can never exist without its people, but it can remain without the King"  by Madhav Nepal, " Palace is the root cause of all the instability that has beset the nation in the past many years."  by  G.P.Koirala , could have been avoided as such statements preclude any possibility of reconciliation later.

The objective of the agitation were made very clear that it was to "do away with the aspirations of the constitutional monarch to regain powers as under active monarchy." The second phase of the agitation commenced on May 16 with peace rallies all over the country, followed by sit-in protests in VDCs and DDCs , gherao (blocking) of district administrative offices and finally mass meetings along the highways on May 25.

One disturbing element, known all along, but came to surface recently, was the appointment of Sarat Chandra Shah as advisor to the Prime minister. Sarat Shah was a controversial and a notorious figure in the Panchayat days and was a law unto himself. Though his official post at that time was member secretary of the National Sports Council, he wielded enormous influence with the palace particularly the present King. He had a private army of an outfit by name Bhumigat Giroha which was responsible for many acts of violence particularly against anti Panchayat elements. His official induction since November last year bodes ill for the democratic forces in the country.

Till now, the movement by the political parties was largely peaceful. This has given them a chance to mobilise their followers in different parts of the country which they could not do before the cease fire. There is no guarantee that the movement will continue to be peaceful. There are bad elements in the parties who may provoke large scale violence. There could be violence from the government side with the shadowy figure of Sarat Chandra Shah giving guidance to break the movement. A repetition of 1990 movement is possible. But this time, the Maoists are on the side of the King.

The Maoists and the Peace talks:

There is  a famous quote of Mao that has words to the effect "sitting on top of a mountain and watching two tigers fight at the base." This is exactly what the Maoists are doing. While the two tigers- the monarch and his government and the political parties are fighting, the Maoists are watching the fun from the top. In any event such a confrontation would weaken both the parties fighting below and at an opportune moment they ( Maoists) could step in. This needs to be understood both by the King and the political parties, as any weakening of either of the two institutions would only help the Maoists who do not believe either in the monarchy or in democracy as is understood generally. By taking extreme positions, both the monarch and the political parties are playing into the hands of the Maoists. Strangely, the King has gone openly to the Press to air his grievances!.

The first round of talks:

The first round of talks between the government and the Maoists took place on April 27 at Kathmandu. A four-page document was handed over by the Maoists which also dealt with their views on the cease fire, human rights, code of conduct besides their substantive demands. The government team included besides Pun and Pandey, the Dy. Pm. Badri Prasad Mandal, Health minister Dr. Upendra Devkota and Assistant Minster Anuradha Koirala. The Maoist’s team included besides Mahara and Bhattarai, Dev Gurung and Matrika Yadav.

A four-member facilitating team was named. The team included besides the two peace negotiators of 2001 talks, Padma Ratna Tuladhar and Daman Nath Dungana, former foreign minister Shailendra Kumar Upadhyay and former chief secretary Kama Doj Adhiikari. The facilitators do not seem to have an idea of what their role could be. Already, one of them Dungana has declared that he would opt out if the peace process does not lead to a constituent assembly. If he had such strong views then he should not be a facilitator at al! .In the second round, a code of conduct for the facilitators has also been agreed upon.

The document was full of jargon about the new political power balance, contradiction between sovereign and state powers, state power in the hands of the people etc. and significantly it demanded that the interim administration be handed over to the Maoists.

Some specific points made were

* An integrated army with the merger of the Royal Nepal army with the People’s liberation Army.

* Making Nepal a secular state and not a Hindu Kingdom.

* Regulation of Nepal India border

* Closing of Gurkha recruitment centres.

* Ending foreign monopoly in industry and commerce.

* New land rights for the tiller and health, education and employment to be made fundamental rights.

The second round of talks:

The second round of talks took place in Kathmandu on May 9. Three major decisions were taken.

1. The government is said to have agreed to limit the patrolling of armed forces within five kilometers radius from the barracks.

2. The government will begin the process of releasing the Maoists in their custody. Three important leaders were already released.

3. A thirteen member committee to monitor the implementation of the code of conduct for cease- fire has been formed. Besides some individual members, representatives one each from six institutions the NHRC ( Nepal Human Rights Commission), NBA ( Nepal Bar Association), FNJ ( Federation of Nepal Journalists, NWC ( National Women’s commission), NDA ( Nepal Dalit Association), ANN ( Association of Nepalese nationalities) and FNCCI (Federation of Nepalese Chamber of Commerce and Industries). The NHRC representative will head the committee.

It looks that the government has given in too much to the Maoists. It is understood that the government representatives Pun and Pande had an audience with the King a day prior to the talks and his approval may have been taken. The most controversial part is the restriction placed on the Army. While the Army has been restricted to five Kms from its barracks, the Maoists are now free to roam about allover. There have been very many instances of Maoists forcibly recruiting, meting out punishments to villagers, forcing private schools to either close or reduce the fees, forcing villagers to give up traditional festivals and go for "people’s culture"- in Mao’s style, extortion of money and in some instances from tourists and in some cases abductions.

The mechanism placed for overseeing the code of conduct is weak and they are too few in number.

There are reports that the Army is very unhappy with the decision taken in the peace talks about the restrictions placed on them. If the King had given his clearance prior to the talks, they cannot complain, but would he have taken such a decision without consulting the Defence council?

There is a view that Maoists have become popular only because they were the ones who brought to surface the latent religious, cultural, regional and linguistic issues that remained subsumed under a monolithic identity during the Rana rule, the Panchayat days and in the current Constitutional monarchy period. This is said to be one of the reasons why the Maoists insisted on inclusion of representatives of the Dalits and women in the monitoring committee. This view is too simplistic and would need a deeper analysis of the present crisis.

The next round of talks is being held in Maoist territory in Rolpa or Dolpa. This is another concession to the Maoists, conceding a defacto hold in the territory by them. In the meeting the Maoists are certain to make arrangements on security, venue etc. while the government and the army organisations will be mere spectators!

The confrontation that is going on between the King and the political parties is likely to undermine both the monarchy and the multi party democracy. The present government does not appear to be competent enough to deal with the complex issues that have risen. With the Army on the defensive, the Maoists are continuing to consolidate their hold in remote areas. There is an urgent need for the political parties to give up their agitation and the King will also have to give in to some extent. He has perhaps been wrongly advised that the current movement will fizzle out.  It may not.

Back to the top

Home  | New  | Papers  | Notes  | Archives  | Search  | Feedback  | Links

Copyright © South Asia Analysis Group 
All rights reserved. Permission is given to refer this on-line document for use in research papers and articles, provided the source and the author's name  are acknowledged. . Copies may not be duplicated for commercial purposes.