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RSS AND THE BJP: The supposed ideological
battle between the two is a myth
by R.Upadhyay
" The installation of a powerful political
personality as the Chief Minister of UP, coming to power in Goa, heading
the Government in Uttaranchal and a likely coalition Government in
Jharkhand are the sure signs that the BJP is IN THE LEAD" (
ORGANISER Dated November 5)
Contrary to frequent criticism of Vajpayee Government by the RSS
leaders, encouraging compliments to the BJP by the RSS weekly ORGANISER
is quite significant. It looks like the Sangh Parivar is firing its
first shot to alert its cadres and supporters for the assembly polls due
next year in UP, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Manipur. It is also a
signal that despite perceptional differences between the two on certain
issues, the parent body will not remain a silent spectator, if the BJP
is to face an electoral challenge from its opponents. But does the RSS
have any better option than the present BJP Government under the
prevailing political situation?
The RSS, after covering its journey of 75 years has reached a stage,
that it is under a tactical compulsion to play the double role of
supporting its political offspring on one hand and to occupy the space
of the opposition. Aware that this contradiction could create
confusion among their cadres and supporters, the leaders are left with
no option but to manage contradictions: 1. to embarrass their own
Government by reviving the Hindutva card and 2. to see that their
actions do not reach a point, that would affect the stability of
Vajpayee Government.
At the same time RSS cannot throw away the ideological gains of last 75
years in the euphoria created by Vajpayee's line of governance.
Its criticism of uncontrolled globalisation and the economic policy of
the Government is therefore, a part of its strategy. It has its
compulsions to keep its cadres together. It cannot therefore
compromise with the policies of the Government, which do not fit in its
ideological frame. The RSS has occupied the space of opposition, and
this is being interpreted in the media as "ideological
battle".
The BJP leadership in the Government at centre is also in a similar
'catch 22' situation with its own compulsions of governance in a
coalition. Yet they cannot afford to have any confrontation with an
organisation in which not only are they deeply associated but also
cannot survive politically without its support. The silence of Vajpayee
on the controversial statements of RSS Chief Sudarshan at Nagpur on
Vijaya Dashami Day( October 7) and at Agra during Rashtriya Suraksha
Mahashivir (National Security Camp - October 13-15) is a part of his
tactics to allow the dust to rise , which will gradually settle down.
Similarly, the presence of Union Ministers like Advani, Sushama Swaraj,
Rajnath Singh ( the then Union Minister and presently the Chief Minister
of UP) and others in Agra conclave may not mean their open endorsement
of what the conclave organisers had said, but it was a part of friendly political
play with a view to send a message to the party cadres and supporters
that both the RSS and the BJP are ideologically the two sides of the
same coin despite their own compulsions in respective fields.
Uttar Pradesh is the most populous state in the country. With the
largest numbers from Lok Sabha and Assembly, it has to its credit of
having had seven Prime ministers out of eleven so far. It also had
a major contribution in making the BJP the single largest party in Lok
Sabha since 1996 elections. But ever since the decline in the strength
of the party from 57 in 1998 to 29 in 1999 in this state, the BJP has
not yet been able to recover. The gradual erosion of its base in this
state as reflected in some of the bye elections, followed by its poor
performance in June-July Panchayat poll and overall demoralisation in
party cadres due to worst- ever defeat in the Panchayat and Municipal
Corporation in Gujarat has become a cause of major concern for the party.
Against such a dismal picture, the forthcoming electoral battle in UP
Assembly scheduled for next year is presently the top priority of
the BJP. A general impression has been created in the mind
of its cadres
that the BJP is headed for a defeat in this heartland of the
party. The recent poll survey also predicted that the BJP would be
placed in number three position against its rivals after the Samajwadi
Party of Mulayam Singh Yadav and Bahujan Samaj Party of Ms Mayawati.
The actual political fighters in the BJP, who are to face the main
challenge of aggressive Mulayam Singh Yadav, fire brand Mayawati and
Muslim voters, who may repeat their tactical voting against the BJP as
they did in 1999 Lok Sabha poll, do not have anything concrete to offer
to the common mass of UP, that is polarised on caste
lines. These voters have nothing to gain after the creation of
three new states, which the party has claimed as its achievement.
The claim of the Prime minister on his government's achievements during
its one year rule, which include "corruption free governance",
"transparency in Government and probity in public life",
"harmonious centre-state relations", "steady improvement
in the situation in Jammu and Kashmir and North East" etc. (
Vajpayee's statement issued in Mumbai on completion of one year of his
government on October 13) hardly have any visible bearing on the day to
day problems of the common voters of UP. Similarly, the other
achievements of the government as claimed by party leaders include
constitutional amendment on issue of reservation for scheduled caste and
scheduled tribe, the economic policies initiated by the government and
major success in its foreign policy. These so called achievements
are beyond the level of the understanding of the voters in streets, who are more interested in their minimum
requirements of safe drinking water, medical facility and effort to
elevate them from below poverty line. Bangaru Laxman, National President
of the BJP in a press conference (New Delhi- October 31) admitted,
"Unfortunately, we still have many families in India, that cannot
buy rice at BPL (Below Poverty Line) rates" and urged upon the
Government " to sell more rice and wheat at cheaper rates to
alleviate the hunger of the one crore most impoverished families"
and " take decisive steps towards fulfilling the election promises
of making India hunger-free." (Times of India dated November 1)
As a part of damage control exercise Vajpayee and Advani took a bold
decision and replaced Ram Prakash Gupta by installing Rajnath Singh as
Chief Minister of UP. This may be considered as a significant
achievement of the party, if Rajnath Singh, who is known as a tough,
dashing and efficient administrator could turn the political tide in the
state in BJP's favour.
Deferment of the decision on the date for construction of a temple at
Ayodhya by the VHP in its meeting of Kendriya Margdarshak Mandal
(Central Advisory Committee) at Ramnathi in Goa on October 18-19 is
another significant move of the Sangh Parivar to avoid any embarrassment
to the BJP in the coming election year. This shows that the coming
Assembly polls in UP are the concern of entire Sangh Parivar. Had there
been any ideological battle within Sangh Parivar, the UP election was a
right opportunity to teach a lesson to Vajpayee. The Sangh family
may have perceptional differences on certain issues but if it comes to a
fight against common opponents, the saffron brotherhood would prevail to
unite them.
Another example of the united face of the saffron family is the inter
transfer of Vishnu Kant Shastri, a known ideologue of the RSS and Suraj
Bhan to the governor's post in UP and Himachal Pradesh. Though, the
anti-BJP media has given a different colour to this change that Suraj
Bhan was very active in UP for Dalit's cause and as such he was shifted
to Himachal Pradesh, but the real intention of the party may be to
install Vishnu Kant Shastri in UP for better coordination with the Chief Minister, as both of them are deeply
associated in the ideological philosophy of the RSS. This may also
help the BJP to motivate its cadres in the coming Assembly poll in the
state.
Bangaru Laxman, President of the BJP, while allocating assignments to
his new team of office bearers has placed three former Pracharaks of the
RSS for strengthening the organisation. The post of Organising
Secretary in the BJP is considered to be the second most important post
in the party. Narendra Modi has been given the responsibility of this
post, which will also be shared by two Vice-Presidents namely Jana
Krishnamurthy and Pyarelal Khandelwal. Pyarelal Khandelwal has also
been given the charge of the organisation for UP.
The RSS leaders share a general perception in political circles that
even if the BJP is defeated in UP election, it may not pose an immediate
threat to Vajpayee Government. However, the defeat of the party in UP
may encourage the BJP's opponents to revive the third front under the
leadership of Jyoti Basu, the former Chief Minister of West Bengal, who
has now decided to get involved in national politics. The Sangh
leaders would not like to provide such an opportunity to their rivals
and may therefore, support the BJP with full vigour.
The so called ideological battle between the RSS and the BJP is a myth
created by the Press and those analysts who do not understand the deep-rooted
relationship between the two organisations.
4.11.2000
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