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Paper no.165

  

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POPULISM – nagging Vajpayee?

by R.Upadhyay


Permanent fear of an electoral backlash has affected the mind set of politicians in India irrespective of their political affiliations. The Vajpayee government appears to be no exception. Only votes appear to matter, not ideology, good governance or economy. Add this to the personal ambitions of individual leaders and one has a deadly mixture which could embarrass any government.

Vajpayee might have recovered from his knee problem and the BJP might be patting its back on the outcome of an opinion poll conducted recently by the TNS-MODE for Hindustan Times in four metros in the country rating their leader from "good to excellent" Prime Minister, but the ground reality is not so encouraging.

The BJP leaders claim that the tide of party’s popularity is turning in its favour particularly after change of guard in UP, and heading the Governments in Goa and the two of the newly created States of Uttaranchal and Jharkhand. But the ground reality is different with disarray within BJP and within the partners of the NDA.

The emergence of National Democratic Alliance was not out of any political ideology but a political compulsion. Contrary to this widely shared public perception, ambitious junior partners in the alliance continue to embarrass the Prime Minister by pushing through their agenda. Instead of curing the disease, Vajpayee also appears to go along with the populist demands. The Jayalalitha episode was a symptom of inherent poor health of this unprincipled combination in 1998 and no lesson has been learnt by the allies yet.

In the 1999 Lok-Sabha elections, the verdict was for Vajpayee’s leadership and not for the BJP or the NDA. However, lack of cohesion within the ruling combine and the Prime Minister succumbing to the pressure of the junior partners by accepting their populist demands for their political interests and personal ambitions have made a dent on his popularity and the government.

Problems faced by the Prime Minister are from within the ruling alliances. In his bid to assuage the dissidents within the BJP, the Prime Minister carried out mini expansion of his jumbo-sized cabinet in months of October and November. But he has not been able to develop a mechanism to counter the never-ending populist demands of his coalition partners. It is unfortunate that the political leadership of ruling NDA never gave any serious thought to the consequences of blackmailing being frequently adopted by some of the allies. Now that the country has entered into coalitional politics, it is time that this problem is looked into.

The assembly elections in West Bengal scheduled to be held next year have made Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee so desperate that she has thrown all the political norms to winds for the sake of her populist electoral strategy. She submitted her resignation from Union Cabinet in protest against the hike in price of LPG and Kerosene Oil for which decision was taken in the cabinet and Trinamool Congress was also one of the participants. Though aware of this opportunistic demand, the Prime Minister had to roll back the price marginally to satisfy his mercurial ally.

Mamata Banerjee is now only "partially satisfied." Her demand of reservation for jobs to Muslims and opposition to Government’s move for privatisation of nationalised banks show that she will continue to keep the Prime Minister under pressure at least till the Assembly polls in West Bengal are over.

Mamata’s people’s friendly image and clean political career will be of no avail if she continues to make unworkable demands which in the long term may affect the coalition culture and stability of governments to follow.

The Trinamool Congress supremo accepted the responsibility of Rail Ministry in Union Cabinet but has been concentrating more on interests in the state politics of West Bengal.

It is not surprising for those who have been watching Mamta ever since she became a partner of the National Democratic Alliance in 1998. She had adopted such tactics on earlier occasions too. Her fiery statements just after submitting resignation from Union Cabinet on September 30 were not due to her disillusionment with the NDA Government for hiking the price of petroleum products, but for other reasons. She is known to be in search of an excuse for parting company of BJP-led NDA, which she has been contemplating for long for the sake of 23.6 percent of Muslim votes in the forthcoming Assembly polls, without which she is not sure of overthrowing the twenty years and more of the rule of CPM-led Left Front Government in her state.

Shiv Sena, another ally of the BJP burnt the effigy of the Prime Minister Vajpayee near Parliament in protest against the unilateral announcement of a cease-fire in Jammu and Kashmir by the Government in the month of Ramzan.

Telugu Desam Party, an ally in the NDA though not in the Government is equally responsible for keeping the Prime Minister restless. In its Parliamentary Party meeting at Hyderabad on November 19 chaired by the party president Chandrababu Naidu, the TDP MPs were asked to step up pressure on the Central Government for procurement of accumulated food grains in the state and remunerative prices to the farmers. The Party MPs during Rajya Sabha debate accused the Prime Minister of not delivering the promised assistance to their flood-ravaged state and also spoke against the Government in Lok Sabha on adjournment motion on farmer’s plight. The TDP leaders have also expressed their reservations against the international commitments of the Central Government if those do not protect the interest of the farmers.

Some of the Cabinet Ministers like Ram Vilas Paswan and others are known to have expressed their reservations against the Cabinet decision on disinvestment in public sector undertakings taking the plea that they were not present in the Cabinet meeting.

Keeping in view the mercurial behaviour of Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee, brow beating actions of Shiva Sena leaders, arm twisting attitude of TDP leader Chandrababu Naidu and careless statements of Janata Dal (U) and Samata leaders, it appears that the helpless Prime Minister is left with no option but to succumb to the populist demands of his allies even at the cost of the economic and political interest of the country. His helplessness had therefore, neither improved his personal image nor stopped the sliding popularity of the NDA or the BJP.

There is no doubt that in a democracy, there should be free expression of one’s opinion but this should not transcend to blackmailing tactics as shown by Mamta’s resignation. The cardinal principle of coalition politics is collective responsibility. Differences if any are to be thrashed out in various mechanisms that are in place within the NDA. But to go public with demands by the partners outside the mechanism will show the NDA and the prime minister in poor light.

If the opinion poll mentioned earlier has rated Vajpayee from good to excellent Prime Minister, it may not be because of his charismatic leadership but the people under the present political scenario in the country do not have any better option. Under the present political situation there is no immediate threat to Vajpayee government, neither it means that the Prime Minister has strengthened his grip over his allies and arrested the sliding popularity of his party.

In the recent winter session of Parliament the opposition leaders openly quarreled over the farm bill and Sonia Gandhi was not allowed to move the motion by the Samajwadi party leader. With the opposition in disarray, Vajpayee has time to set his house in order. His greatest contribution could be in establishing certain  norms to be followed by the coalition partners in the interest of good governance. After all, politics of coalition is a reality today and will continue till the compulsions so demand.


1.12.2000