Indian Intelligence:
Awaiting Still Its Tryst with Destiny
By A. K. Verma.
This paper written by former
Intelligence Chief of Cabinet Secretariat is another piece
that needs wider dissemination and discussion. We
would welcome comments and suggestions from our readers on
the issues raised.-Director
Indian Intelligence
is frequently in the news, often for the wrong reasons. It
is a favourite kicking target for a large number of those
who compulsively articulate, like the media, political
leaders, academics etc. Why should it be so when its stellar
contributions to national security have quite often been
praised by different Prime Ministers at different times in
India’s history? A public acknowledgement of the services
rendered is also indicated by the Padma awards, bestowed on
Intelligence personnel from time to time.
But there is no
denying that the system suffers from many fault lines, some
systemic, some a legacy of the past but most due to
reluctance, express or implicit at various levels in the
power structure of the country, to bring about a change. It
is the cumulative mindset, operating at the cutting level in
the country which is mostly responsible for this dismal
state of affairs. Also, the mindset does not or perhaps
cannot change in a few short decades. National security has
never been a hot issue with the people at large as evident
from several public polls conducted in the country. Removal
of the fault lines, therefore, remains a low priority. The
episodic prominence the subject receives now and then has
proved incapable of influencing the frozen channels in the
subconscious.
For any State,
Intelligence is a prime necessity, not only to know about
adversaries but also about friends, so as to remain fore
warned about their intentions and capabilities and to
prevent surprises. It is a multidimensional complex activity
but its basics remain the same, collection, analysis,
counter intelligence and covert actions. A fair idea about
the functioning of Indian Intelligence can be made by
examining how well it is equipped for handling these four
sectors.
Collection is a
three pronged exercise, each arm performing a distinct role.
Published information provides the bulk of intelligence,
close to 80%. Well researched articles and books and field
journalists not only prove invaluable source of key facts,
they also provide reliable insights into any situation a
country maybe interested in. Advent of computers now makes
recording, indexing and retrieval of such information a lot
easier but if the organization is not computer savvy, a good
part of such information would fail to get stored. One
suspects that such skills are still to be universally
acquired and mastered in the world of Indian Intelligence.
If this is correct, it bespeaks of a handicap at the
starting level itself.
Technological and
scientific means invariably produce intelligence of high
accuracy. The gadgetry required for technical collections is
very expensive and the state of art equipment is not
available in the market. Investigations into Mumbai 26/11
events reveal that intercepts of Voice over Internet
Protocol conversations between the terrorists in Mumbai and
their handlers in Pakistan had to come from foreign
agencies. States share intelligence in absolute self
interest and not for considerations of ethics, morality or
law. Imagine, if foreigners had not been the victims of
26/11 carnage, the requisite information in all probability
have remained hidden from Indian authorities. Selective
concealment is an acceptable reality of the Intelligence
world. At no stage in the past India’s collaborating
partners had disclosed to India anything about Pakistan’s
ongoing nuclear weapon development programme and China’s
stellar role in it when it was widely known that this
programme directly targetted India.
The solution lies
in having an in-house research and development capability
with an extremely high powered technical staff, second to
none, that can work on dedicated technical requirements of
the Intelligence. It calls for a very high level of funding;
something which is not very kindly looked upon by the fund
managers of the country. The alternative is to tie up with
governmental and non governmental hi-tech institutions to
look for answers.
The key to the
highest grade of Intelligence is held by human sources to
raise whom a great deal of focussed attention, ingenuity,
daredevilry and deep pockets are necessary. It is not a job
of a run of the mill kind which can be performed by anyone.
A successful operator, capable of recruiting high net worth
human agents, has to belong to a rare breed. Identifying
such potentially gifted operators and enrolling these into
Intelligence then becomes a matter of incentives and
competitive remunerations.
This area has been
a long standing weakness of Indian Intelligence. The problem
dates back to the dawn of Indian Independence when many of
the legacies of the British colonial rule were uncritically
accepted and passed on down the line. The British had
created a steel framework to rule the country and a police
system which, among other things, kept watch on nascent
political trends. The steel frame attracted gifted
individuals, scholars and thinkers because of the
extraordinarily high compensation package. The prime tool
made available to the police was repression. There was no
comparable incentive for a bright Indian to join its ranks,
except that of getting employed. The steel frame had lorded
over British India. The legacies continued after the British
left. Even today the rule exists that ensures that no member
of any other service can overtake his IAS colleague of the
same seniority in emoluments or rank even if he is a genius.
Then why should the Indian Intelligence attract the best
when it is required to exist at an inferior level? In point
of fact it does not. The results that get produced,
therefore, are matching the caliber that is to be found in
such establishments today.
This problem can be
fixed only by the political managers of the country. India
now finds itself in a very complex national security
environment, requiring intelligence to become the first line
of defence. Men who work in it must have the capacity to
develop the highest levels of professional values and solid
leadership qualities.
Centuries ago a
Chinese sage, Sun Tzu, admonished: “Nothing should be as
favourably regarded as Intelligence; nothing should be as
generously regarded as Intelligence; nothing should be as
confidential as the work of Intelligence”. To produce
Intelligence of this order, service in Intelligence must be
made as attractive as the British had made their premier
colonial service in India. Intelligence organizations of
other countries run their establishments on this paradigm.
They often are the best paid organizations in their own
country. The CIA is reputed to attract the highest number of
PhDs from the best schools into its ranks, as compared to
other US organizations. The terms and conditions of service,
apart from the opportunities of work, serve as a magnet to
pull the talent of supreme quality among whom will be
engineers, management specialists, scholars, bankers,
scientists, economists, sociologists and academics. In
India, unfortunately, it is only the second grade that
thinks of gravitating towards Intelligence. In recent times,
even this category is not offering to look at Intelligence
as a career. A revolving door policy as in the US should
also not be ruled out to draw in expertise and eminence.
Another negative
factor is that Intelligence in India has no locus in law,
especially for those who work in foreign Intelligence.
India’s Intelligence agencies have not been created by Acts
of the Parliament. The entire range of foreign operations is
covered by just executive instructions. An instruction to
operate in a foreign country ipso facto implies a
requirement to break the local laws but no legal authority
exists for issuing such instructions or indemnifying the
would be violator under the laws of the home country. This
is a very serious lacuna which does not seem to have caught
the attention of anyone in authority. As the law stands
today all those who issue such executive instructions and
those who carry out these instructions in a foreign country
to spy and steal secrets can be held accountable under the
Indian laws. Foreign Intelligence is the only organization
directed by the Govt. to violate the local laws of the
country of operation but the Govt. does so without enjoying
any legal authority to do so. This state of affairs is
reflective of the apathy in which Intelligence is held in
India.
Analysis comes in
the picture to make a sense from collected raw intelligence
in juxta position with publicly available data. It
interprets the pooled information and comes up with likely
scenarios of what may happen. This exercise has to be
meaningful because Government’s policy decisions could be
based on them. In fast moving contexts like an ongoing
terrorist engagement, speed of the analysis becomes a key
determinant to catch the action. However, the process as it
takes place has serious flaws.
These arise from a
mistaken apprehension that intelligence will seek to
overtake the role of policy making or even replace it. In
fact intelligence has no commanding part in the making of
policy. On the other hand the policy maker has to set the
agenda for intelligence to work on so that intelligence
becomes custom produced. However, intelligence support to
policy makers becomes more meaningful if it is allowed
participation in policy debates, told about gaps in
knowledge and encouraged to disclose constraints on
intelligence capabilities to close these gaps, and focus its
analysis on policy issues and options under scrutiny. If
such opportunities are missing, intelligence works in the
dark, benefiting no one.
Years ago in an
article by me the role of the analyst was described in the
following words: “A good intelligence analyst is an asset to
the national security apparatus. In the intelligence
organizations in India, analysts work for several years at
the same desk and are therefore able to develop a much
better insight and expertise in their fields than those
serving other wings of the Government. Although not
infallible, sound analysis can often point to the likely
course of events. It takes into account all the information
available, secret or published, mentions what remains
unknown if it is relevant to the issue under study,
describes the reality of the facts stated, indicating
guardedly of how they were obtained, and transparently and
cogently explains the logic of the conclusions and estimates
it projects. The analyst’s expertise serves as the backdrop
to the inferences drawn; the deeper his experience, the more
value he can get out of the data assembled to make his
submissions of likely scenarios of the future. When the
analyst is tasked in the context of national security by the
policy maker, his study is lifted out of the academic realm
and becomes a basis for choosing a course of policy”.
Indian Intelligence
can boast of having in its ranks many excellent analysts
with deep expertise and insights but it is not certain if
full use has been made of them. There is hardly any culture
in the country requiring policy papers to be prepared on
national security issues, with participation from
intelligence, diplomats, military specialists, scientists
etc., detailing likely scenarios and examining the pro and
con of each. Kargil and Mumbai 26/11 demonstrated the
pitfalls of absence of coordinated analysis. Where
coordination is called for between the centre and the states
to deal with an internal security problem in a cohesive
manner, the Indian Constitution can become sometimes the
stumbling block as powers stand delegated to the states some
of whom may disagree with the Centre’s approach. In the face
of such differences the tasks of Intelligence become even
more difficult. Dealing with Naxalism is an issue which
proves this assumption.
The quality of
Indian Intelligence analysis has been applauded by foreign
intelligence partners. Senator Claiborne Pell, former
Chairman of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, is on
record, stating that Indian analysis of developments in
Afghanistan in the late 1980s was the only accurate
indication available to the West, of what was happening
there.
In the Indian
system the operations officer and the analyst often double
up for each other. In small outfits this may not be a
serious handicap but as organizations grow larger, the two
streams of intelligence should have their own dedicated
cadres for best results.
Counter
intelligence prime functions are identifying operations and
agents of foreign intelligence organizations, and protecting
the secrets of the State from penetration through use of
human agents and technical means like bugs, monitoring,
surveillance from space, interception of communication
channels etc. Lack of national awareness generally for the
needs of security makes the task of counter intelligence
more difficult. Dangers arise equally from hostile and
friendly agencies, driven by the operational necessity of
discovering protected information.
Results from
counter intelligence have been a mixed bag of successes and
shame. Over the years counter intelligence has been able to
unmask several of the Indian agents of all the major
intelligence organization of the world. The shame lies in
the fact that it could not prevent foreign penetration even
into their senior ranks. Actual truth may be more hurting.
There is a general belief in the country that the influence
of foreign intelligence organizations has reached deep into
the civil society. Suspicion was cast once even on a Prime
Minister. Due to various reasons exposures of highly placed
Indian moles has always proved to be a daunting task.
The field of
counter intelligence has exponentially grown with the advent
of international terrorism. This phenomenon poses a
multidimensional threat of mass destruction through
acquisition of a nuclear device, mass disruption of
communication systems through cyber attacks, ideological
brain washing through selective interpretations of religious
doctrines, and jehadi military style attacks at random on
people and key sites. Countering such terrorism has to be a
composite exercise requiring participation, apart from
intelligence, of other organs of the state such as armed
forces, state police, crisis management groups, paramilitary
directorates and science and technical communities among
others. Countering ideological indoctrination in a sustained
manner is perhaps yet to kick start in the country. It is
not that the dangers are not realized but extraneous factors
like vote bank politics relegate the issue to the lowest
priority.
Since terrorist
organizations which work on the cell system are extremely
difficult to penetrate, good preventive intelligence may not
be easily forth coming, despite the best efforts of the
intelligence agencies. Because of large numbers of what can
constitute a target it may not also be possible to provide
effective perimeter security to every single target. If
terror attacks like Mumbai 26/11 continue, sooner or later
the authorities will have to decide and declare the policy
steps which should compel their sponsors to weigh the costs
involved. A new counter terrorism architecture in the
country, aiming at better analysis, coordination and
prevention, can at best remain a good defensive exercise but
the need of the hour may turn out to be offensive rather
than defensive tactics.
In offensive
counter terrorism, the intelligence and armed forces will
have distinctive and definitive roles. They may have to work
together on the lines of the CIA and US military command
that have been jointly handling Iraq and Afghanistan.
Nations are no
longer squeamish about employment of covert techniques
though specific operations may continue to be shrouded by
the mystique of deniability. Nations seem willing to use any
tool of statecraft to strengthen national security though
the arm chair liberal or the abstract human rights activist
may raise objection on grounds of ethics and morality. The
Indian State in the past was not hesitant in using such
instruments. This is widely known. But one cannot switch to
covert actions overnight. Long preparations are necessary.
If “all options” are being kept open to deal with the
vicious terrorist threat from across the borders, it will be
proper to give a green signal to the intelligence now to
make its covert plans. Pakistan is proving to be an enduring
threat. A redefinition of national interests will bring out
that India needs to move out of its self created soft image
and to entrust the Intelligence with a new range of
responsibilities to become more secure.
Even otherwise
Intelligence needs to develop new perspectives as
globalization advances, defining a new permissiveness in
political environment, creating opportunities for newer
forms of economic penetration and triggering fast
technological changes which render borders meaningless.
After the demise of the Soviet Union the World has been left
unipolar but the equation of balance of power remains far
from settled. In Asia, the rivalry between three rising
entities, China, Japan and India, each of whom will be
competitively looking for new markets and new sources of
resources, can become acute. The national security
architecture worldwide remains shifting in a kaleidoscopic
pattern, recreating all the time, newer axes of conflict and
conciliation. Add to them the hunger for land and water,
symbolized by refugee flows and mass migrations, and
differing international concerns for climatic changes and
ecology. Correct analysis and assessment of trends over a
vast spectrum has become a national necessity to keep the
country’s interests safe and secure. Knowledge now is the
new coefficient of power and Indian Intelligence must keep
step with such knowledge.
The current systems
are unlikely to match the challenges that have emerged.
Drastic reforms are necessary to unshackle Intelligence from
its rigid bureaucratic mould and to invest it with a
dynamism and innovative spirit which should be the hallmark
of an unconventional organization. The very first step of
reform should begin by giving Indian Intelligence the
backing of legislative enactments. The laws should provide a
degree of autonomy which frees intelligence from all
bureaucratic restraints and controls relating to financial
management, administrative functions, pay scales,
recruitment, posting and promotions, hire and fire policies
and enforcement of discipline. The laws should spell out the
charter and authorize the Central Government to fix broad
targets within the charter. This will prevent misuse of the
institutions by those in authority. The laws should hold
intelligence accountable to the Cabinet or its committee for
security but also create a parliamentary committee for
oversight. Detailed rules can be worked out to determine the
parameters of oversight and areas of intelligence work over
which it will be exercised, in consultation with the
parliament. The laws should give the right to the Govt. to
authorize any kind of covert action and keep all such
activities outside the ambit of oversight. The process of
oversight and accountability can be expected to keep
intelligence on its toes. However, even after such reforms,
errors due to human frailties and intellectual stubbornness
will not all disappear but their numbers can be expected to
be far less.
There is a new area
of activity which Intelligence must consider if it has not
already done so. Outsourcing which globalization has
promoted has a good potential for intelligence work. The
Japanese corporate world and intelligence have cooperated
with each other over the past several years with both
reaping good dividends out of such collaboration. The US is
believed to have taken major steps in this direction.
According to one estimate the US Intelligence community
invests 70% of its budget on its joint ventures with
American Industrial Complex. The Indian corporations are
also traversing the multinational route. One may expect
overtures to them will be rewarding to intelligence.
One last word. Is
there any way that can measure the depth of devotion and
commitment of Intelligence to the national cause? The
following anecdote can be a revealing guide. At the height
of Afghan resistance to Soviet Union in 1989, the situation
in Kabul became so dangerous that the US, British and other
Western countries withdrew their Ambassadors and staff from
the country. Our foreign office and Ambassador wanted to
follow suit, Intelligence included. Intelligence refused.
While others came back to Delhi, Intelligence remained at
Kabul to continue to fly the Indian flag over the Embassy in
Kabul.