Pak Army's Taliban Hunt: Seeming Motion
Without Movement -- International Terrorism
Monitor -- Paper No. 526
By B. Raman
The operations of
the Pakistani security forces against the
Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and its
affiliate the
Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM)
have been marked by a lack of intelligence,
physical security in the non-tribal areas,
an over-all strategy, direction and
prioritisation of different stages of the
operations.
2. The
disconcertingly inadequate intelligence is
evident from the fact that neither the
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of the
Army nor the Intelligence Bureau (IB) of the
Ministry of the Interior seem to have the
vaguest idea of the command and control of
either the TTP or the TNSM. One knows more
about the command and control of Al Qaeda
than about those of the TTP and the TNSM.
One knows a lot about their leaders----
Baitullah Mehsud of the TTP and Sufi
Mohammad and Maulana Fazlullah of the TNSM---
but beyond that one knows very little. How
are they organised, where are they trained,
who are their individual commanders, where
and how are they deployed----the answers to
these questions are inadequate. So much is
known about their ideology, but so little
about their operational capabilities and
potential.
3. A basic
requirement of a good counter-insurgency
operation is your ability to protect your
back as you are engaged in your battle
against the enemy. Your ability to protect
your back depends on good physical security
behind you. Good physical security depends
on the police and the IB of Pakistan. The
fact that the TTP and the TNSM have been
able to indulge repeatedly in terrorist
strikes in non-tribal areas----even in
Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Lahore and Sargoda----
even as the security forces are confronting
them in the tribal areas speaks poorly of
the state of physical security in Pakistan.
This is the result of long years of neglect
of the police and the IB. The need for their
revamping and modernisation has not received
the attention of either Pakistan or the US.
4. No
counter-insurgency operation can be
effective unless it is sustained and driven
by a determination to succeed in the
over-all national interest. The
counter-insurgency operations of the
Pakistani security forces in the Pashtun
tribal belt have neither been sustained nor
marked by a determination to succeed. One
has been seeing this in the operations
undertaken by them in 2003 in South and
North Waziristan, in the Swat Valley since
2007 and subsequently in the Bajaur Agency,
the two Dirs and Buner districts of the
Malakand Division of the North-West Frontier
Province (NWFP).
5. The operations
have been in fits and starts depending on
the extent of the pressure to act exercised
on the Pakistani leadership by the US. When
the pressure is high, the action is high.
When the pressure declines, the action
declines. The repeated statements by
President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister
Yousef Raza Gilani and Gen. Ashfaq Pervez
Kayani, the Chief of the Army Staff (COAS),
on Pakistan's determination to defeat the
TTP and the TNSM have not been reflected in
appropriate operational action on the
ground. These statements have been made to
reassure the US leaders ----President Obama
as well those in the Congress--- of the
determination of the Pakistani security
forces to act. They have not come out of a
genuine conviction in the Pakistani
political and military leadership that
Pakistan's future would be in danger if the
Security forces do not neutralise the
Taliban.
6. Openly, to
reassure the US, Pakistani leaders
charactetrise the Taliban as a threat, but,
in reality, they look upon it more as a
worrisome nuisance than as a serious threat
to the state of Pakistan. Since Pakistan
became independent in 1947, the Pakistan
Army never had effective control over the
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)
and the Malakand Division, which had always
remained the spawning ground of religious
extremism. After 9/11, even the little
control that was there before 9/11 has
further weakened and the religious extremism
emanating from this area has further
increased. Large sections of the Pakistani
civil society have been concerned over this
development, but not the political class and
the military-intelligence establishment. The
Army's objective is to reduce this nuisance
to its pre-9/11 level and to contain it.
7. It thinks it
will neither be possible nor advisable to
totally eradicate the influence of the
Taliban. It is not possible because it would
not have the required local support for its
operations in the tribal belt. It is not
advisable because, in the Army's view, the
tribals such as the Mehsuds and the Wazirs
have acted as force multipliers against
India during the past conflicts with India
and will be prepared to do so again in any
future conflict. It is also not advisable
because of the strategic potential of the
Taliban to serve Pakistan's interests in
Afghanistan.
8. The lack of a
determination to succeed is evident from the
lack of an over-all strategy, direction and
prioritisation of different phases of the
operations. The areas affected by the
activities of the Taliban fall into three
categories. The first category consists of
North and South Waziristan, which are under
the virtual de facto control of Al Qaeda,
the Taliban and their allies since 2003. The
increasing number of Predator strikes by the
US in this area have kept the terrorists
on the run without weakening their
operational presence and capability. Only
sustained and effective ground operations
either by the US or by Pakistan or by both
can achieve this result. Pakistan is opposed
to any US role in the ground operations. At
the same time, it is either unwilling or
unable or both to undertake such ground
operations on its own.
9. The second
category consists of Bajaur, Swat and other
areas of the Malakand Division. The Taliban
has a certain measure of de facto control in
these areas. There is no role for the US in
these areas. Counter-Taliban operations in
these areas have to be the responsibility of
the Pakistani security forces. Through their
open statements, Pakistani political and
military leaders seek to give the impression
of admitting their responsibility for
action, but this admission has not been
translated into effective action. Instead of
first identifying the weakest points in the
control of the Taliban, targeting them,
removing the Taliban from there and then
expanding the operations to areas where the
Taliban control is stronger, the security
forces have been hitting around blindly here
and there without an over-all plan. There
are too many fronts and too little progress.
10. The third
category consists of the other districts of
the NWFP where the Taliban's presence is
more ideological than operational. No plan
has been drawn up for preventing these areas
from coming under the operational control of
the Taliban.
11. The Obama
Administration's policy of showering
Pakistan with money and arms and ammunition
even in the absence of proof of sincerity
and conviction and even in the absence of
progress on the ground is once again
creating a worrisome impression in the
Pakistani leaders that to continue to
benefit from US support and largesse all
they have to do is to create an illusion
of motion without actual movement. That is
what they are doing.
12. That is what
Pervez Musharraf did when he was the
President. The two Waziristans came under
the effective control of Al Qaeda, the
Taliban and their associates and the Neo
Taliban of Afghanistan, operating from
sanctuaries in Balochistan, staged its
spectacular come-back in Afghanistan when he
was the President and was the beneficiary of
billions of dollars given by the Bush
Administration. What promises he made to the
Bush Administration to reform and modernise
the madrasas and prevent their misuse for
jihad! How much money he took from the US
for madrasa reforms! What happened to those
reforms?
13. That is
exactly what Zardari, Gilani and Kayani are
doing now. Creating an illusion of motion
without actual movement, while extracting
billions of dollars from the US. The
Pakistani leadership---political and
military--- has developed into a fine art
the extraction of money from the US by
exploiting the presence of Al Qaeda and the
Taliban in their territory.
14. If the
Taliban ultimately succeeds in further
strengthening and expanding its control in
Pakistan, the US will have to share a major
portion of the responsibility for failing to
make Pakistan act effectively instead of
merely seeming to do so.
(The writer is Additional
Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt.
of India, New Delhi, and, presently,
Director, Institute For Topical Studies,
Chennai. E-Mail:
seventyone2@gmail.com)