Counter-Terrorism---Some
Thoughts
By B. Raman
(Observations made by me while addressing a
National Seminar on "Fight Against
Terrorism" organised by the Mumbai Police at
Mumbai on April 21, 2010. The keynote
address on the state of terrorism was
delivered by Shri M.K. Narayanan, Governor
of West Bengal. Other speakers were Dr.Anil
Kakodkar, former Chairman, Atomic Energy
Commission, Dr.Raghunath Mashelkar, former
Director-General,, Council of Scientific and
Industrial Research, and Shri
G.Parthasarathy, former Indian High
Commissioner to Pakistan)
Two expressions
often used by counter-terrorism analysts
since the attempt to blow up the New York
World Trade Centre in February, 1993, are
"acts of mass casualty terrorism" and "acts
of catastrophic terrorism". These
expressions have been defined by different
experts in different manner. One of the
definitions is based on the number of
casualties inflicted by the terrorists.
Under this definition, an act of
catastrophic terrorism involves fatalities
of more than 1000 and an act of mass
casualty terrorism involves fatalities of
more than 100. 9/11 in the US Homeland was
an act of catastrophic terrorism. The
terrorist attacks in Mumbai in March, 993,
July, 2006 and November, 2008, were acts of
mass casualty terrorism.
2. While other cities in the world have also
suffered acts of high casualty terrorism,
Mumbai and Beirut have been targeted
repeatedly by terrorists. The acts of
terrorism in Bali, Madrid and London did not
involve orchestration by a foreign State.
The acts of mass casualty terrorism in
Mumbai involved orchestration by the State
of Pakistan.
3. In his inaugural address, Shri
D.Sivanandhan, Commissioner of Police, had
analysed comprehensively the reasons for the
repeated attacks in Mumbai. There is one
reason not mentioned by him, which needs to
be underlined---- namely the advantage of
anonymity offered to a terrorist by a huge
city like Mumbai. Anonymity tends to protect
the terrorists from detection by the police.
4. What the Mumbai Police is confronted with
is not just terrorism, but terrorism
sponsored repeatedly against the residents
of Mumbai by the State of Pakistan and its
intelligence agencies. One should,
therefore, talk of the "fight against
State-sponsored Terrorism" and not just
"Fight against Terrorism". If there was no
orchestration by the State of Pakistan, the
Mumbai Police would have been able to deal
with the threat effectively. They have been
facing difficulty because of the foreign
sponsorship of terrorism.
5. Thus, counter-terrorism in Mumbai has two
aspects--- action against terrorism and the
terrorist organisations, which is the
responsibility of the Mumbai Police and the
Government of Maharashtra, and action
against Pakistan, which is repeatedly
sponsoring the terrorism. This is the
responsibility of the Government of India.
Unless the Government of India acts
effectively against Pakistan for sponsoring
acts of mass casualty terrorism against the
residents of Mumbai, it will be unfair to
blame the Mumbai Police and the Government
of Maharashtra alone for not dealing with
terrorism effectively.
6. If there is another act of mass casualty
terrorism, there is a strong possibility
that it will again be in Mumbai. The Mumbai
Police should prepare themselves to face it.
They have already taken various measures for
revamping the counter-terrorism machinery in
Mumbai. Strengthening the machinery alone is
not adequate. It is equally important to
strengthen the co-operation between the
police and the community. The Security and
Intelligence Committee of the British House
of Commons, which went into deficiencies
which led to the successful terrorist
strikes in London in July, 2005, pointed out
that no counter-terrorism machinery
however competent and no counter-terrorism
doctrine however well thought-out, can deal
effectively with terrorism unless there is
effective police-community co-operation in
counter-terrorism.
7. That the role of the community is
important has to be realised by the police
as well as the community and the two should
work in tandem. After the London blasts,
many new ideas have been introduced by the
London Police for improving police-community
co-operation against terrorism. I would like
to underline in particular the appointment
of counter-terrorism coordinators in
important police stations to interact
continuously with the public and the private
business sector and the initiative taken by
the business sector for sharing the
additional expenses incurred by the police
for promoting police-public co-operation
against terrorism. Some of these ideas
should be studied by the urban police in
India and those considered worthy of
emulation should be adapted to our needs.
8. The series of National Seminars on the
"Fight Against Terrorism" being organised by
the Mumbai Police in different parts of the
city is a welcome and important exercise for
promoting police-community co-operation
against terrorism. This co-operation should
be on a day-to-day basis instead of only at
times of seminars like this. How to make
police-community cooperation part of the
counter-terrorism doctrine? That is an
important question which should be addressed
jointly by the leaders of the police and the
community and an appropriate mechanism
found. The Mumbai Police should move in this
direction and give a lead to the other urban
police of India.
9. In counter-terrorism, the quality of the
leadership exercised by the political class
is as important as the quality of the
leadership exercised by the police, the
intelligence set-up and other security
agencies. While addressing a seminar in New
Delhi in 2001, Shri Narayanan pointed out
that while the Punjab Police, the
intelligence set-up and other security
agencies played an excellent role in
bringing Khalistani terrorism under control,
they might not have succeeded the way they
did but for the equally commendable
political leadership and co-operation in
dealing with the menace. In dealing with
Khalistani terrorism, the political and the
professional classes were on the same page.
Had this not been so, we might not have
succeeded the way we did. In dealing with
the state-sponsored jihadi terrorism too, we
must try to ensure that the political and
professional classes act in tandem and that
the required political leadership is
forthcoming. Without high-quality political
leadership, the police alone, however
brilliant and however well-endowed, cannot
succeed.
10. In India, we tend to be defeatist. We
keep criticising ourselves and our police
all the time. We are given to chest-beating
about our so-called failures. We tend to
forget that our track record against
terrorism and insurgencies is not bad at
all. We have had success stories in Nagaland,
Mizoram, Tripura, Punjab and Tamil Nadu. We
are not doing too badly in Jammu & Kashmir
and in the fight against jihadi terrorism in
other parts of India. Our record against the
Maoist insurgency has been above average in
Andhra Pradesh and poor in other States
affected by it. The terrorists and
insurgents have had some spectacular
tactical successes to their credit--- the
explosion on board the Kanishka aircraft of
Air India in June 1985, the three acts of
mass casualty terrorism in Mumbai and the
Dantewada massacre of 76 policemen by the
Maoists etc. But since India became
independent in 1947, the terrorists and
insurgents have not scored any notable
strategic success. Strategically, the Indian
State and its security set-up have
ultimately prevailed despite the tactical
set-backs. They never allowed fatigue to set
in. Fatigue ultimately set in the ranks of
the terrorists and insurgents and not in the
ranks of the State. We have never conceded
the illegitimate strategic demands of the
terrorists and insurgents even though we
might have conceded their tactical demands
on occasions as happened at Kandahar in
December, 1999. This is a unique record of
which we ought to be proud of.
11. Let us by all means criticise our
police, our intelligence agencies, other
security agencies and the political class.
They have much to answer for. But let us
take care not to allow over-criticism to
create defeatism. That is what Pakistan and
its terrorist organisations want. We should
not play into their hands. An ideal State
would not allow the phenomenon of terrorism
or insurgency to appear in its midst. But
once it appears it takes a long time for the
police and other security agencies to deal
with it. A study of terrorism and
insurgencies around the world would indicate
that it takes around 15 to 20 years to deal
with the menace. In India too, we have taken
the same time. Once through our sins of
commission and omission, we are faced with
terrorism or insurgency, we need a lot of
patience to deal with the menace. Impatience
will prove counter-productive. It could make
the police and other security forces
over-react, thereby aggravating the problem.
12. There are copybook methods of dealing
with acts of terrorism such as hijacking,
blowing up aircraft, use of improvised
explosive devices in public places etc, but
there is no copybook method of dealing with
terrorism and insurgencies. Our
counter-terrorism techniques have to be
nuanced and adapted individually to dealing
with different kinds of terrorism and
insurgencies. The techniques that we use
against the jihadis we cannot use against
the Maoists. The ruthlessness that we show
towards Pakistanis we cannot show towards
our own people. While dealing with our own
people who have taken to terrorism and
insurgencies, the rhetoric has to be
non-provocative and non-escalatory and
action has to be firm, but balanced.
13. International or global or
trans-national terrorism of the jihadi
variety cannot be countered effectively
without international co-operation. There
has been an improvement in international
co-operation since 9/11, but this
co-operation is still hampered by subjective
and strategic factors. India has been a
victim of this half-hearted co-operation.
There is greater readiness on the part of
the US and other countries of the West to
co-operate with India against terrorism, but
ifs and buts come in when it is a question
of cooperation against Pakistan-sponsored
terrorism. This half-hearted co-operation
will continue and we must learn to live with
it. Ultimately, our strategic success
against Pakistan-sponsored terrorism will
depend on our own capacity, our own
determination and our own will to act. No
international co-operation can be a
substitute for the national will and
determination to act.
14. Victim activism is weak in India. We saw
in the US after 9/11 and we have seen among
the Jewish people for years, the results
which victim activism can achieve. If only
we had victim activism in India similar to
what one sees in the US and Israel, the
relatives of the victims of the 26/11
terrorist strikes in Mumbai would have
rallied in protest against the plea bargain
entered into by the FBI with David Coleman
Headley of the Chicago cell of the
Lashkar-e-Toiba who was an important
co-conspirator in the 26/11 terrorist
strikes. The total lack of protest from the
relatives of those killed speaks poorly of
the dormant state of victim activism in
India.
15. Shri P.Chidambaram, the Home Minister,
has to be commended for his determined
efforts to revamp the counter-terrorism
machinery after taking over as the Home
Minister, but one is disturbed by what
appears to be his uncritical admiration of
American ideas, American systemic
innovations and American-style rhetoric. By
all means let us learn from the good
practices of countries such as the US and
Israel. But let us not blindly ape them. Our
country is different. Our people are
different. Our sensitivities are different.
Uncritical admiration for American systems
and approaches to counter-terrorism can
prove counter-productive.
(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd),
Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New
Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute
For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail:
seventyone2@gmail.com)